Unlike most major conflicts in Africa, the Eritrean-Ethiopian war is strictly home-grown, which makes it especially tragic. The two governments need to live up to their reputations as harbingers of a new style of African leadership by ending the fighting and resuming a cooperative relationship.

Recent history makes this more difficult. Eritreans, under the leadership of Isaias Afwerki, gained independence after a brutal struggle with a tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. That war so weakened the dictatorship that it was toppled by a rebellion led by Meles Zenawi and based in the border province of Tigray.

President Afwerki and Prime Minister Zenawi are among the most gifted leaders in Africa, but they face different challenges. Eritrea, a compact state of 3.5 million people, is determined to exercise its sovereignty. It launched its own currency in November with no understanding that this would offend Ethiopia. Zenawi retaliated by insisting that transactions between the two countries be done in dollars.

The currency war was the prelude to armed conflict on the Tigray border, where territory is in dispute. The contested land is of little value, but Zenawi, who leads an unstable confederation in a nation of 58 million people, enjoys little room for maneuver.

The United States, Italy, and the Organization of African Unity are trying to mediate. President Clinton over the weekend got both leaders to agree to a moratorium on bombing, but that still leaves troops firing at one another.

Because it has fewer internal stresses, the next move is up to Eritrea. It needs to withdraw from disrupted territory, encourage an international tribunal to determine boundaries, and work on repairing economic relations with Ethiopia. The more extreme elements in Ethiopia need to remember that compact Eritrea has an extremely competent army. Ethiopia should not get involved in a war it cannot win.

Eritrea and Ethiopia have much to offer Africa as examples of countries that no longer dance to the tune of larger powers. A long war would permanently undercut their claims to leadership.

This story ran on page A26 of the Boston Globe on 06/18/98