THE IMPOTENCE
 The labor movement presents a picture of the greatest confusion. Numerous organizations and tendencies combat each other, while ever anew the hunger whip of the owning classes scourges the broad masses. And after each blow of the whip, the confusion in the ranks of the workers increases. Apostles of unity entreat the workers to end the internecine conflict and take up jointly the struggle against the owning classes. They haven't the slightest inkling of the whole situation. They think that the working class is powerless because of its disunity, while in reality the still increasing fragmentation arises from the ever more manifest impotence. With each new lash of the whip the owning class demonstrates to the working masses that the labor movement built up in the last 50 years in the course of painful and self-sacrificing struggles has no value whatever as a weapon against Capital. The old labor movement reveals itself -- in the words of H. Gorter -- as a toy sword against a steel armor. How does it happen that the old labor movement is no match for the capitalist class ? Whence arises the impotence of the old movement ? In this connection we point for the present to two causes. In the first place, the old movement is wholly directed to step-by-step amelioration of the workers' situation within the framework of capitalism. The trouble here is that there can be no more thought of amelioration when the various capitals fail to yield sufficient profit, a condition which, as we know, becomes general in the crisis. In that case the impotence arises not from the weakness of the labor movement, but from the 'natural' impossibility of trying to get something where there is nothing to be had. The second cause lies in a different sphere : it is the mighty power of Capital. This was not always the case. At an earlier period the capitalists were much less organized, so that the workers were able to accomplish something against the employers by laying down tools. Thus it was almost always small groups which engaged in the struggle, and hence also the trade unions and occupational associations were the indicated leaders of these movements. Even though on these occasions it was far from being the case that all workers were organized in the trade unions, still the trade-union leadership was recognized as a matter of course. The "movement of labor", i.e. the strike of organized and unorganized, placed itself under the leadership of the "organized labor movement". The "movement of labor" and the "labor movement" here coincide. But in the course of time the scene changes. The employers combine in employers' associations, small business becomes big business, and these big business combine again into larger economic organizations such as syndicates, trusts, cartels and monopolies. In this way, Capital forms such a mighty block that the workers' strikes which were limited to single occupations hammered against it in vain. The trade unions accordingly tried to avoid strikes; they saw their task more and more in negotiations and co-operation with the employers' associations, and this co-operation finally thickened to the "working partnership" (Arbeitsgemeinschaft). They no doubt had to take this course, because there was nothing more to be accomplished with the old manner of struggle on the basis of occupations. Still the "working partnership" between Capital and Labor can not fail in the long run to have as its consequence that the workers' standard of living is sacrificed to the interests of Capital. And because the trade-union leaders, as actual owners of the trade-union organizations, were simply not in a position to oppose anything of equal value to the power of Capital, they had to conform in everything. But even when the workers paid no attention to the contracts and agreements of the "working partnership" and themselves took up the struggle in wild strikes, the defeat followed with equal certainty. For the cause of the defeats is to be sought in the fact that an occupational group is much too weak to cope with Capital. The possibility of an unfoldment of power as against Capital would be present only in case the strikers made the attempt to break through their limited occupational front, when they extend the movement without regard to occupational or organizational limits -- when they draw into the struggle along with them the entire class. Not until they develop from the "occupational front" to the "class front", -- it is then for the first time that they unfold power. |