Readings

H.H. The Dalai Lama Addresses The American Government

Wisconsin State Assembly May 13, 1998

 

Address to the Members of the United States Congress

in the Rotunda of the Capital Hill in Washington, D.C.
by His Holiness the Dalai Lama 18 April 1991


Mr. Speaker, Senator Mitchell, Representative Gephardt, Senator Dole and
Representative Michel, Senators, Congressmen and other distinguished
guests, and Brothers and Sisters:

When I was a small boy living in Tibet, President Roosevelt sent me a gift: a
gold watch showing phases of the moon and the days of the week. I
marvelled at the distant land which could make such a practical object so
beautiful. But what truly inspired me were your ideals of freedom and
democracy. I felt that your principles were identical to my own, the Buddhist
beliefs in fundamental human rights - freedom, equality, tolerance and
compassion for all.

Today, I am honored to stand under this great dome and speak to you. I do
so as a simple Buddhist monk: someone who tries to follow the Buddha's
teaching of love and compassion, who believes, as you do, that all of us have
the right to pursue happiness and avoid suffering. I always pray that the good
core of our human character - which cherishes truth, peace and freedom -
will prevail.

Our generation has arrived at the threshold of a new era in human history: the
birth of a global community. Modern communications, trade and international
relations as well as the security and environmental dilemmas we all face make
us increasingly interdependent. No one can live in isolation. Thus, whether
we like it or not, our vast and diverse human family must finally learn to live
together. Individually and collectively we must assume a greater sense of
universal responsibility.

While your soldiers were fighting Communist Chinese troops in Korea, China
invaded Tibet. Almost nine years later, in March, 1959 - during the
suppression of a nation-wide revolt against Chinese occupation - I was
forced to flee to India. Eventually, many thousands of my compatriots
followed me. Since then, Tibetan refugees have lived in exile. We were
heartened in 1959, 1961 and 1965 by three United Nations Resolutions
recognizing the Tibetan people's fundamental rights, including the right to
self-determination. Your government supported and voted for these
resolutions. China, however, ignored the views of the world community. For
almost three decades, Tibet was sealed from the outside world. In that time,
as a result of China's efforts to remake our society, 1.2 million Tibetans - one
fifth of the population - perished. More than 6,000 of our monasteries and
temples were destroyed. Our natural resources were devoured. And in a few
short decades the artistic, literary and scientific legacy of our ancient
civilization was virtually erased.

In the face of this tragedy, we have tried to save our national identity. We
have fought for our country's freedom peacefully. We have refused to adopt
terrorism. We have adhered to our Buddhist faith in non-violence. And we
have engaged in a vigorous democratic experiment in the exile community as
a model for a future free Tibet.

Tibet today continues to suffer harsh oppression. The unending cycle of
imprisonment, torture, and executions continues unabated. I am particularly
concerned about China's long term policy of population transfer onto the
Tibetan plateau.

Tibet is being colonized by waves of Chinese immigrants. We are becoming
a minority in our own country. The new Chinese settlers have created an
alternate society: a Chinese apartheid which, denying Tibetans equal social
and economic status in our own land, threatens to finally overwhelm and
absorb us. The immediate result has been a round of unrest and reprisal. In
the face of this critical situation, I have made two proposals in recent years.

In September of 1987, here on Capitol Hill, I presented a Five Point Peace
Plan. In it, I called for negotiations between Tibet and China, and spoke of
my firm resolve that soon Tibet will once again become a Zone of Peace; a
neutral, demilitarized sanctuary where humanity and nature live in harmony. In
June of 1988, at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, I elaborated on my
call for negotiations, and made personal suggestions which would protect the
territorial integrity of the whole of Tibet, as well as restore the Tibetan
people's right to govern themselves. I also suggested that China could retain
overall responsibility for the conduct of Tibet's foreign relations.

It has been almost three years since the Strasbourg Proposal. In that time,
many Tibetans have expressed profound misgivings over my stand for being
too conciliatory. Beijing did respond: but the response was negative. The
Chinese government, it is clear, is unwilling to engage in meaningful dialogue.
As recent events in China itself indicate, the Communist leadership refuses
even to acknowledge the wishes of its own people. I regret that my sincere
efforts to find a mutually beneficial solution have not produced meaningful
dialogue. Nevertheless, I continue to believe in a negotiated solution. Many
governments and parliaments, as well as the U.S. Congress, support this
effort.

For the sake of the people of China as well as Tibet, a stronger stand is
needed towards the government of the People's Republic of China. The
policy of `constructive engagement,' as a means to encourage moderation,
can have no concrete effect unless the democracies of the world clearly stand
by their principles. Linking bilateral relations to human rights and democracy
is not merely a matter of appeasing one's own conscience. It is a proven,
peaceful and effective means to encourage genuine change. If the world truly
hopes to see a reduction of tyranny in China, it must not appease China's
leaders.

Linking bilateral relations to respect for basic rights will significantly decrease
the present regime's readiness to resort to further violence, while increasing
the strength of the moderate forces which still hope for a peaceful transition
to a more open society. These efforts should be viewed not as an attempt to
isolate China but as a helping hand to bring her into the mainstream of the
world community.

In the future, I envision Tibet as an anchor of peace and stability at the heart
of Asia: a zone of non-violence where humanity and nature live in harmony.
For hundreds of years the Tibetan plateau was a vital buffer between Asia's
great powers: Russia, China and India. Until Tibet is once more demilitarized
and restored to its historical neutrality, there can be no firm foundation for
peace in Asia. The first step is to recognize the truth of my country's status;
that of a nation under foreign occupation.

Recently, the United States has led the international community in freeing a
small country from a cruel occupation. I am happy for the people of Kuwait.
Sadly, all small nations can not expect similar support for their rights and
freedoms. However, I believe that a "new world order" cannot truly emerge
unless it is matched by a "new world freedom." Order without freedom is
repression. Freedom without order is anarchy. We need both a new world
order that prohibits aggression and a new world freedom that supports the
liberty individuals and nations.

I would like to conclude by recalling a recent and moving experience. On my
last trip to the United States, I was taken to Independence Hall in
Philadelphia. I was profoundly inspired to stand in the chamber from which
your Declaration of Independence and Constitution came . I was then shown
to the main floor before the Liberty Bell. My guide explained that two
hundred years ago this bell pealed forth to proclaim liberty throughout your
land. On examining it, however, I couldn't help noticing the crack in the bell.
That crack, I feel, is a reminder to the American people who enjoy so much
freedom , while people in other parts of the world, such as Tibet, have no
freedom:. The Liberty Bell is a reminder that you cannot be truly free until
people everywhere are free. I believe that this reminder is alive, and that your
great strength continues to come from your deep principles.

Finally, my main task here today is to thank you - the Congress of the United
States - on behalf of six million Tibetans for your invaluable support in a
critical time of our struggle. The Congressional bills and resolutions you have
passed over the last five years have given the Tibetan people renewed hope.

I offer you my prayers and thanks, and I appeal to you to continue working
for the cause of liberty .

Thank you.

 

Washington, D.C.

April 18, 1991

 

Remarks by His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Members of the United States Congress
in the Rotunda of the Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., April 18, 1991


Mr. Speaker, Senator Mitchell, Representative Gephardt, Senator Dole,
Representative Michel, Senators, Members of the Congress, other
distinguished guests and brothers and sisters, I am extremely happy and
honored to be with you today.

Now, if you would give me permission, I would like to use my broken
English. I think there is a solemn atmosphere. Now since there isn't much
time, I would like to first express my deep feelings. I am a bit moved and
touched today; so therefore, instead of reading my prepared statement, I
would like to say something else.

As human brothers and sisters, I have a feeling that deep down we are all the
same human beings. Therefore, it is quite natural that when some human
brothers and sisters suffer, then other brothers and sisters spontaneously
develop some kind of sincere feeling or concern. At this moment, I find this
very much alive. I consider this a hope for the future.

Another basic thing very useful for humanity is a good heart. Without that, I
think our future is doomed and there may not be a very happy state. If this
human feeling, this human affection, is kept alive, it will be carried in all
human activities and then there will be real hope. I believe that during this
century, we have learned many negative things. As a result, humanity has
become more mature. So, I have every reason to believe that the next
century will be a nicer and friendlier one. I feel a more harmonious world
may be achieved.

Now I would like to say something about my own case. Here, I enjoy the
freedom of speech, freedom of thought, and freedom of movement. This
nation has always cherished these principles. However, when I was about
15, I lost those freedoms. Now I am 56... 40 years later. The first nine years
were not only without freedom, but also witnessed real terror and I was
always surrounded by fear. Somehow I managed. Now after more than 32
years, although there is no longer that kind of terror or fear, I still remain a
refugee. For the most part of my life, I never enjoyed this freedom or liberty.
And the worst thing is that thousands and thousands of my Tibetan brothers
and sisters have not only lost these freedoms, but they have suffered
tremendously, something really unthinkable. Besides this suffering, there is
also a lot of destruction. For the present Tibetan generation, we are passing
through the most difficult and darkest period in our history.

Sometimes, when I look at this negative side, I feel very sad. But then on the
other hand, if there is a challenge, then there is an opportunity to utilize our
human intelligence and determination. Its seems to me that the Tibetan nation
is not only a civilized one, but also one that possesses genuine inner strength.
So, this is a good opportunity to face the challenge. I think after 40 years,
after so much destruction, after so much human misery and suffering, the
Tibetan spirit was never lost. It is still kept very firmly.

And in recent years, positive changes have taken place in the world as a
whole. It is still changing due to many factors, both internal as well as
external. I have a deep conviction that things will change. At the same time,
this problem is basically a human created one. In order to solve this problem,
the answer must come from humanity itself. Nothing else can be blamed. The
answer or solution must come from ourselves. With this feeling, with this
conviction, when I look around my own country and other continents, I see
more or less a similar situation existing in other parts of the world.

The world is becoming smaller and smaller. Our interdependent nature is
now much stronger and clearer. I think a crisis in one part of the world is
essentially a global crisis. It is the same with the modern economic situation,
and also the new environmental and ecological problems. These facts and
events show us that humanity needs a wider outlook, a holistic view to solve
this crisis, including our own Tibetan issue.

I consider a genuine sense of universal responsibility as the key element. With
this motivation, and also the realization of oneness, our entire humanity with
it's different human actions and activities can be constructive. I believe this is
the beauty.

Unfortunately, there are some cases that I feel are due to ignorance,
shortsightedness, and narrow-mindedness. I think in certain fields, such as in
international relations or the contact of continent to continent or nation to
nation, the atmosphere is not healthy. I think in some cases it is quite sad. We
still have something lacking. Look at the recent Gulf crisis. In my mind, this
crisis was not due to the behavior of one or two people, but there were many
levels of causes.

Therefore, now that East-West tension has been reduced and some of the
other factors I mentioned earlier appear to be having a more positive
development, perhaps the time has come to think more deeply or more
philosophically in order to solve or to find new arrangements that are more
enlightened and civilized - or what you call the new world order. I feel the
new world order should be based on principles of compassion and freedom.

We need to think very deeply and hold consultations to come up with some
kind of master plan for a better world. Sometimes, perhaps I think it is a little
bit idealistic, but I feel our role should be based on the principles of
democracy, freedom and liberty. I think the ultimate goal should be a
demilitarized world. I feel very strongly about this. This may appear very far
and we may face many obstacles. But I believe if we keep our determination
and effort, we may find some way to achieve this kind of goal. I usually call
this `nirvana' or the salvation of humanity.

So in this respect, our entire humanity has a responsibility, particularly this
nation. Among others, you have economic power, but the most important
thing you have is the opportunity to utilize your human creativity. This is
something very good. Therefore, I think America has the potential to make
this world straight. Certain activities or certain atmospheres are unhealthy and
seem to be very crooked. I think in order to make them straight and more
honest, with more human feeling, this nation has the real potential and the
ability to correct those smaller nations trying to change the world, but the
existing pattern may face some immediate consequences which they cannot
face. I think this nation is the only superpower. Therefore, I think you have
the opportunity or ability to change it.

When some of you talk about this nation, you have mentioned its ancestors. I
think they greatly cherished and implemented these basic human principles.
Now, with these principles, I think the time has come for you to expand
everywhere, not only in your domestic policy, but also in your relations with
other nations and continents. So long as there is human business, I feel we
can solve many problems with these principles. This is my hope and my
prayer.

Finally, though the Tibetan and Chinese issues have similarities, they are
vastly different. Yet on behalf of the six million Tibetans and millions of
Chinese brothers and sisters, I would like to express my deepest
appreciation and gratitude to this country, particularly to the Congress, for all
your support.

Thank you very much.

Washington, D.C.

April 18, 1991

 

Transcript of the H.H. The Dalai Lama’s speech to the Wisconsin State Assembly May 13, 1998


Your Excellency the Governor, Honorable Speaker, President of the Senate, Honorable members of the Assembly and the Senate and distinguished guests. It is a great honor for me to be invited to address the Wisconsin State Legislature and it is also a great pleasure for me to be welcomed with such warmth.

I visited the state on several occasions in the past and therefore I also have quite a lot of old friends here. So it is particularly joyful today to have another opportunity to visit this most beautiful state.

Now I want to speak through my broken English in order to save time and also to communicate with you directly.  But I must say my English is very broken. Sometimes there could be danger to get wrong understanding. So, be careful when you listen to my broken English.

Let me take this opportunity to mention here that some of the points that I wanted to touch upon are contained in the written text or statement that you already have. So I am not going to repeat these. Since I have this opportunity I want to share a few other points with you.

I always consider myself as another human being like anybody else. On this level the entire 5.7 billion humanity is the same; mentally, emotionally, basically, physically. And then the most important thing, I feel, is that everyone has the desire for happiness, the desire for a happy life and a happy future. Here the most obvious method in fulfilling that desire is through material development. Towards this end everyone is making every effort and I think a great deal has been achieved.

On the other hand, there is another way to achieve happiness through inner peace. There are different religious traditions in the world and each one of them have immense potential to provide that goal. I think it is wrong to think that all our problems will be solved by means of material development. On the contrary we should also pay equal attention to inner spiritual development. Spirituality does not necessarily mean religious faith. But spirituality rather means the day today practice of the basic messages of various religious traditions that manifests in the good
qualities of a human being like a good heart, a compassionate heart, a sense of caring for others, a sense of commitment, patience, tolerance and contentment. These are some of the basic good human values. I always try to promote these values. Irrespective of whether one is a believer or a non-believer, these basic human values are very essential to be kept alive.

Now when you have a sense of caring and a compassionate attitude, then people everywhere talk about the concept of peace and non-violence. Peace, I believe, is not the mere absence of violence. But genuine peace has to be achieved through inner peace. The main basis to bring about inner peace is through human affection. Therefore, peace and non-violence is primarily a reflection or manifestation of human compassion. At the same time when we make efforts to sustain peace and promote the concept of non-violence we have to find an appropriate way to resolve conflict and differences among human beings. Non-violence does not mean that we remain indifferent. Here
the only weapon available is by means of dialogue in the spirit of compromise and reconciliation. Differences do exist, not only between political parties, but even within the family and often times within one self. You may have a different set of ideas and beliefs in the morning and at the end of the day you may have totally different views and ideas. So there is contradiction everywhere.

As long as there exists this wonderful human faculty of intelligence, we always find differences and contradictions.  These contradictions and differences are not necessarily destructive by themselves. But because of these contradictions there is always progress and there is the ability to overcome and synthesize these problems.   Sometimes I jokingly tell people, if we really want a world without any contradiction then let us start a world without any human beings. The world truly becomes safer then! Perhaps, in a way, out of the several thousand species of living beings, humans are the only trouble makers. The other living species inflict harm on others when it is absolutely necessary. But we human beings create problems to others sometimes unnecessarily and still we think
we are smart. In one way the human species is really troublesome, but at the same time, if we look from a different angle, the human beings are the only species that has the ability to develop an immense sense of caring-not only to its own kind-but also extend to other species. Innate altruism can be developed only by human beings. To achieve these ends, an affectionate attitude and a respect for others’ views and interests is very important.

Specially in a democratic system, there is bound to be a variety of differing views and ideas. People should always resort to a healthy side of constructive criticism in resolving their problems rather than stay in perpetual conflict.

As mentioned earlier, the various religious traditions have the potential to bring happiness, mainly inner happiness and inner peace. However, unfortunately, not only in the past, but even today, the existence of different religious beliefs have brought about some conflicts and in some worse cases even bloodshed. If we try to realize the values of other traditions and respect them, we can certainly contain these conflicts and unfortunate events. All religions, in spite of differing philosophies, have the potential to relay deep inner values. All religions carry the message of love, compassion, sense of brotherhood, sisterhood and tolerance. Therefore if a follower of any religion truly and
sincerely practices and implements even some of the basic tenets and gain some spiritual experience, it greatly helps the person to understand the value and respect of other religious traditions. As there is a variety of mental dispositions among humans and different kinds of physical objects to satisfy a variety of needs, one religious tradition cannot satisfy the spiritual needs of human beings. It is therefore necessary to have a variety of religious traditions.

Judging from this level, there is a way to develop a genuine spiritual harmony within the different religious traditions. I always try to promote this view point. Whenever I visit predominantly Christian countries like the United States, I always tell people that it is better to keep your own Christian traditions rather than follow Buddhism and particularly Tibetan Buddhism. In some individual cases, when a person has lost interest in his traditional values, it is then perhaps better to follow some other religious tradition than remain a radical atheist.  Well if someone feels comfortable in remaining a radical atheist, it is a matter of individual right. It is fine too. No problems. Promotion of harmony among different religious traditions is one of my efforts.

As a Tibetan and as the Dalai Lama, I have a traditional responsibility to Tibet and the Tibetan people. Today, the Tibetans, and particularly the Tibetans inside Tibet have immense trust on me and I have a great moral responsibility to them. I am trying to help them in whatever way I can. I am a Buddhist monk. My main concern is preservation of Tibetan Buddhist culture and Buddhist spirituality, which I see, has a great potentiality to bring happiness, not only to the six million Tibetans, but several millions of people in that part of the world. That means the whole of modern India, modern Nepal, Bhutan, Inner and Outer Mongolia and some republics in the Russian
Federation, and most importantly of all, to millions of young Chinese. Tibetan Buddhism can certainly help them to achieve inner peace in a meaningful way. At this very moment you can see people simply lost in their principles and only think of money. As a result a lot of unhealthy things happen. I therefore feel that preservation of Tibetan Buddhist culture and spirituality is in the greater interest of people.

Then talking about the ecological problems facing Tibet. Major rivers covering the whole of that big continent - from Pakistan to India, China, Bangladesh and former Indo-China - they originate from Tibet. When dramatic ecological changes take place inside Tibet it will affect a large area in the region. The best way to solve this problem is to save the Tibetan Buddhist culture and Buddhist spirituality by way of dialogue with the Chinese government.

Therefore I am making every effort to open a dialogue with the Chinese government on the basis of the middle way approach. I am not seeking independence, but simply trying to achieve a meaningful autonomy. That is my main effort. This is not about my own future or my own privilege. Six years ago, in 1992, I made it politically clear that as soon as the Chinese return with an offer of a certain degree of freedom to the Tibetan people, I will hand over all my legitimate authority to the government. And that government should be an elected one. I will then no longer be the head of the Tibetan government. I will truly be a simple Buddhist monk. That is my ambition. I want to spend
the rest of my life on meditation and things like that. That is about Tibet.

I am encouraged and inspired by people like you. Many young students in the United States, especially have really been a great source of inspiration and encouragement in our struggle. I want to take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation. Thank you very much.

 

Madison, Wisconsin 

May 13, 1998.

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