His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Nobel lecture
University Aula, Oslo, December 11th, 1989


Brothers and Sisters,

It is an honor and pleasure to be among you today. I am really happy to see
so many old friends who have come from different corners of the world, and
to make new friends, whom 1 hope to meet again in the future. When I meet
people in different parts of the world, I am always reminded that we are all
basically alike: we are all human beings. Maybe we have different Clothes,
our skin is of a different colour, or we speak different languages. That is on
the surface. But basically, we are the same human beings. That is what binds
us to each other. That is what makes it Possible for us to understand each
other and to develop friendship and Closeness.

Thinking over what I might say today, I decided to share with you some of
my thoughts concerning the common problems all of us face as members of
the human family. Because we all share this small Planet earth, we have to
learn to live in harmony and peace with each other and with nature. That is
not just a dream, but a necessity. We are dependent on each other in so
many ways that we can no longer live in isolated Communities and ignore
what is happening outside those communities. We need to help each other
when we have difficulties, and we must share the good fortune that we enjoy.
1 speak to you as just another human being; as a Simple monk. If you find
what I say useful, then I hope you will try"' to practice it.

I also wish to share with you today my feelings concerning the plight and
aspirations of the people of Tibet, The Nobel Prize is a prize they well
deserve for their courage and unfailing determination during the past forty
years of foreign occupation. As a free spokesman for my captive countrymen
and women, I feel it is my duty to speak out on their behalf. I speak without
a feeling of anger or hatred towards those who are responsible for the
immense suffering of our people and the destruction of our land, homes and
culture. They too are human beings who struggle to find happiness and
deserve our compassion. I speak to inform you of the sad situation in my
country today and of the aspirations of my people, because in our struggle
for freedom, truth is the only weapon we possess.

The realization that we are all basically the same human beings, who seek
happiness and try to avoid suffering, is very helpful in developing a sense of
brotherhood and sisterhood; a warm feeling of love and compassion for
others. This, in turn, is essential if we are to survive in this ever shrinking
world we live in. For if we each selfishly pursue only what we believe to be in
our own interest, without caring about the needs of others, we not only may
end up harming others but also ourselves. This fact has become very clear
during the course of this century. We know that to wage a nuclear war today
for example, would be a form of suicide; or that by polluting the air or the
oceans, in order to achieve some short-term benefit, we are destroying the
very basis for our survival. As individuals and nations are becoming
increasingly interdependent, therefore, we have no other choice than to
develop what I call a sense of universal responsibility.

Today, we are truly a global family. What happens in one part of the world
may affect us all. This, of course, is not only true of the negative things that
happen, but is equally valid for the positive developments. We not only know
what happens elsewhere, thanks to the extraordinary modern
communications technology, we are also directly affected by events that
occur far away. We feel a sense of sadness when children are starving in
Eastern Africa. Similarly, we feel a sense of joy when a family is reunited
after decades of separation by the Berlin Wall. Our crops and livestock are
contaminated and our health and livelihood threatened when a nuclear
accident happens miles away in another country. Our own security is
enhanced when peace breaks out between warring parties in other
continents.

But war or peace; the destruction or the protection of nature; the violation or
promotion of human rights and democratic freedoms; poverty or material
well being; the lack of moral and spiritual values or their existence and
development; and the breakdown or development of human understanding,
are not isolated phenomena that can be analysed and tackled independently
of one another. In fact, they are very much interrelated at all levels and need
to be approached with that understanding.

Peace, in the sense of the absence of war, is of little value to someone who is
dying of hunger or cold. It will not remove the pain of torture inflicted on a
prisoner of conscience. It does not comfort those who have lost their loved
ones in floods caused by senseless deforestation in a neighboring country.
Peace can only last where human rights are respected, where the people are
fed, and where individuals and nations are free. True peace with one self and
with the world around us can only be achieved through the development of
mental peace. The other phenomena mentioned above are similarly
interrelated. Thus, for example, we see that a clean environment, wealth or
democracy mean little in the face of war, especially nuclear war, and that
material development is not sufficient to ensure human happiness.

Material progress is of course important for human advancement. In Tibet,
we paid much too little attention to technological and economic development,
and today we realize that this was a mistake. At the same time, material
development without spiritual development can also cause serious problems.
In some countries too much attention is paid to external things and very little
importance is given to inner development. I believe both are important and
must be developed side by side so as to achieve a good balance between
them. Tibetans are always described by foreign visitors as being a happy,
jovial people. This is part of our national character, formed by cultural and
religious values that stress the importance of mental peace through the
generation of love and kindness to all other living sentient beings, both human
and animal. Inner peace is the key: If you have inner peace, the external
problems do not affect your deep sense of peace and tranquillity. In that state
of mind you can deal with situations with calmness and reason, while keeping
your inner happiness. That is very important. Without this inner peace, no
matter how comfortable your life is materially, you may still be worried,
disturbed or unhappy because of circumstances.

Clearly, it is of great importance, therefore, to understand the
interrelationship among these and other phenomena, and to approach and
attempt to solve problems in a balanced way that takes these different
aspects into consideration. Of course it is not easy. But it is of little benefit to
try to solve one problem if doing so creates an equally serious new one. So
really we have no alternative: we must develop a sense of universal
responsibility not only in the geographic sense, but also in respect to the
different issues that confront our planet.

Responsibility does not only lie with the leaders of our countries or with those
who have been appointed or elected to do a particular job. It lies with each
of us individually. Peace, for example, starts within each one of us. When we
have inner peace, we can be at peace with those around us. When our
Community is in a state of peace, it can share that peace with neighboring
communities, and so on. When we feel love and kindness towards others, it
not only makes others feel loved and cared for, but it helps us also to
develop inner happiness and peace. And there are ways in which we can
Consciously work to develop feelings of love and kindness. For some of us,
the most effective way to do so is through religious practice. For others it
may be non-religious practices. What is important is that we each make a
sincere effort to take our responsibility for each other and for the natural
environment we live in seriously.

I am very encouraged by the developments which are taking place around
us. After the young people of many countries, particularly in northern Europe
have repeatedly called for an end to the dangerous destruction of the
environment which was being conducted in the name of economic
development, the world's political leaders are now starting to take meaningful
steps to address this problem. The report to the United Nations Secretary
General by the World Commission on the Environment and Development
(the Brundtland report) was an important step in educating governments on
the urgency of the issue. Serious efforts to bring peace to war torn zones and
to implement the right to self-determination of some peoples have resulted in
the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the establishment of
independent Namibia Through persistent non-violent popular efforts dramatic
changes, bringing many countries closer to real democracy, have occurred in
many places, from Manila in the Philippines to Berlin in East Germany. With
the Cold War era apparently drawing to a close, people everywhere live with
renewed hope. Sadly, the courageous efforts of the Chinese people to bring
similar change to their Country was brutally crushed last June. But their
efforts too are a source of hope. The military might has not extinguished the
desire for freedom and the determination of the Chinese people to achieve it.
I particularly admire the fact that these young people who have been taught
that "power flows from the barrel of the gun," chose, instead, to use
non-violence as their weapon.

What these positive changes indicate, is that reason, courage, determination,
and the inextinguishable desire for freedom can ultimately win. In the struggle
between forces of war, violence and oppression on the one hand, and peace,
reason and freedom on the other, the latter are gaining the upper hand. This
realization fills us Tibetans with hope that some day we too will once again be
free.

The awarding of the Nobel Prize to me, a simple monk from far away Tibet,
here in Norway, also fills us Tibetans with hope. -It means that, despite the
fact that we have not drawn attention to our plight by means of violence, we
have not been forgotten. It also means that the values we cherish, in
particular our respect for all forms of life and the belief in the power of truth,
are today recognised and encouraged. It is also a tribute to my mentor,
Mahatma Gandhi, whose example is an inspiration to so many of us. This
year's award is an indication that this sense of universal responsibility is
developing. I am deeply touched by the sincere concern shown by so many
people in this part of the world for the suffering of the people of Tibet. That is
a source of hope not only for us Tibetans, but for all oppressed peoples.

As you know, Tibet has, for forty years, been under foreign occupation.
Today, more than a quarter of a million Chinese troops are stationed in Tibet.
Some sources estimate the occupation army to be twice this strength. During
this time, Tibetans have been deprived of their most basic human rights,
including the right to life, movement, speech, worship, only to mention a few.
More than one sixth of Tibet's population of six million died as a direct result
of the Chinese invasion and occupation. Even before the Cultural Revolution
started, many of Tibet's monasteries, temples and historic buildings were
destroyed. Almost everything that remained was destroyed during the
Cultural Revolution. 1 do not wish to dwell on this point, which is well
documented. What is important to realize, however, is that despite the limited
freedom granted after 1979, to rebuild parts of some monasteries and other
such tokens of liberalization, the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan
people are still today being systematically violated. In recent months this bad
situation has become even worse.

If it were not for our community in exile, so generously sheltered and
supported by t;he Government and people of India and helped by
organizations and individuals from many parts of the world, our nation would
today be little more than a shattered remnant of a people. Our culture,
religion and national identity would have been effectively eliminated. As it is,
we have built schools and monasteries in exile and have created democratic
institutions to serve our people and preserve the seeds of our civilisation.
With this experience, we intend to implement full democracy in a future free
Tibet. Thus, as we develop our community in exile on modern lines, we also
cherish and preserve our own identity and culture and bring hope to millions
of our countrymen and women in Tibet.

The issue of most urgent concern at this time, is the massive influx of Chinese
settlers into Tibet. Although in the first decades of occupation a considerable
number of Chinese were transferred into the eastern parts of Tibet - in the
Tibetan provinces of Amdo (Chinghai) and Kham (most of which has been
annexed by neighboring Chinese provinces) since 1983 an unprecedented
number of Chinese have been encouraged by their government to migrate to
all parts of Tibet, including central and western Tibet (which the PRC refers
to as the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region). Tibetans are rapidly being
reduced to an insignificant minority in their own country. This development,
which threatens the very survival of the Tibetan nation, its culture and spiritual
heritage, can still be stopped and reversed. But this must be done now,
before it is too late.

The new cycle of protest and violent repression which started in Tibet in
September of 1987 and culminated in the imposition of martial law in the
capital, Lhasa, in March of this year, was in large part a reaction to this,
tremendous Chinese influx. Information reaching us in exile indicates that the
protest marches and other peaceful forms of protest are continuing in Lhasa
and a number of other places in Tibet, despite the severe punishment and
inhumane treatment given to Tibetans detained for expressing their
grievances. The number of Tibetans killed by security forces during the
protests in March and of those who died in detention afterwards is not
known but is believed to be more than two hundred. Thousands have been
detained or arrested and imprisoned, and torture is commonplace.

It was against the background of this worsening situation and in order to
prevent further bloodshed, that I proposed what is generally referred to as
the Five Point Peace Plan for the restoration of peace and human rights in
Tibet. I elaborated on the plan in a speech in Strassbourg last year. I believe
the plan provides a reasonable and realistic framework for negotiations with
the People's Republic of China. So far, however, China's leaders have been
unwilling to respond constructively. The brutal suppression of the Chinese
democracy movement in June of this year, however, reinforced my view that
any settlement of the Tibetan question will only be meaningful if it is
supported by adequate international guarantees.

The Five Point Peace Plan addresses the principal and interrelated issues,
which I referred to in the first part of this lecture. It calls for (1)
Transformation of the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of
Kham and Amdo, into a zone of Ahimsa (non-violence); (2) Abandonment
of China's population transfer policy; (3) Respect for the Tibetan people's
fundamental human rights and democratic freedoms; (4) Restoration and
protection of Tibet's natural environment; and (5) Commencement of earnest
negotiations on the future status of Tibet and of relations between the Tibetan
and Chinese peoples. In the Strasbourg address I proposed that Tibet
become a fully self-governing democratic political entity.

I would like to take this opportunity to explain the Zone of Ahimsa or peace
sanctuary concept, which is the central element of the Five Point Peace Plan.
lam convinced that it is of great importance not only for Tibet, but for peace
and stability in Asia.

It is my dream that the entire Tibetan plateau should become a free refuge
where humanity and nature can live in peace and in harmonious balance. It
would be a place where people from all over the world could come to seek
the true meaning of peace within themselves, away from the tensions and
pressures of much of the rest of the world. Tibet could indeed become a
creative center for the promotion and development of peace.

The following are key elements of the proposed Zone of Ahimsa:

the entire Tibetan plateau would be demilitarised;

the manufacture, tasting, and stockpiling of nuclear weapons
and other armaments on the Tibetan plateau would be
prohibited.

the Tibetan plateau would be transformed into the world's
largest natural park or biosphere. Strict laws would be enforced
to protect wildlife and plant life; the exploitation of natural
resources would be carefully regulated so as not to damage
relevant ecosystems; and a policy of sustainable development
would be adopted in populated areas;

the manufacture and use of nuclear power and other
technologies which produce hazardous waste would be
prohibited;

national resources and policy would be directed towards the
active promotion of peace and environmental protection.
Organizations dedicated to the furtherance of peace and to the
protection of all forms of life would find a hospitable home in
Tibet;

the establishment of international and regional organisations
for the promotion and protection of human rights would be
encouraged in Tibet.

Tibet's height and size (the size of the European Community), as well as its
unique history and profound spiritual heritage make it ideally suited to fulfill
the role of a sanctuary of peace in the strategic heart of Asia. It would also
be in keeping with Tibet's historic role as a peaceful Buddhist nation and
buffer region separating the Asian continent's great and often rival powers.

In order to reduce existing tensions in Asia, the President of the Soviet
Union, Mr. Gorbachev, proposed the demilitarisation of Soviet-Chinese
borders and their transformation into "a frontier of peace and
good-neighborliness." The Nepal government had earlier proposed that the
Himalayan country of Nepal, bordering on Tibet, should become a zone of
peace, although that proposal did not include demilitarisation of the Country.

For the stability and peace of Asia, it is essential to create peace zones to
separate the continent's biggest powers and potential adversaries. President
Gorbachev's proposal, which also included a complete Soviet troop
withdrawal from Mongolia, would help to reduce tension and the potential
for confrontation between the Soviet Union and China. A true peace zone
must, clearly, also be created to separate the world's two most populous
states, China and India.

The establishment of the Zone of Ahimsa, would require the withdrawal of
troops and military installations from Tibet, which would enable India and
Nepal also to withdraw troops and military installations from the Himalayan
regions bordering Tibet. This would have to be achieved by international
agreements. It would be in the best interest of all states in Asia, particularly
China and India, as it would enhance their security, while reducing the
economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations in remote areas.

Tibet would not be the first strategic area to be demilitarised. Parts of the
Sinai peninsula, the Egyptian territory separating Israel and Egypt, have been
demilitarized for some time Of course, Costa Rica is the best example of an
entirely demilitarised country.

Tibet would also not be the first area to be turned into a natural preserve or
biosphere. Many parks have been created throughout the world. Some very
strategic areas have been turned into natural "peace parks." Two examples
are the La Amistad park, on the Costa Rica-Panama border and the Si A
Paz project on the Costa Rica-Nicaragua border.

When I visited Costa Rica earlier this year, I saw how a country can develop
successfully without an army, to become a stable democracy committed to
peace and the protection of the natural environment. This confirmed my belief
that my vision of Tibet in the future is a realistic plan, not merely a dream.

Let me end with a personal note of thanks to all of you and our friends who
are not here today. The concern and support which you have expressed for
the plight of the Tibetans has touched us all greatly, and continues to give us
courage to struggle for freedom and justice; not through the use of arms, but
with the powerful weapons of truth and determination. I know that I speak
on behalf of all the people of Tibet when I thank you and ask you not to
forget Tibet at this critical time in our country's history. We too hope to
contribute to the development of a more peaceful, more humane and more
beautiful world. A future ftee Tibet will seek to help those in need throughtout
the world, to protect nature, and to pmmote peace. I believe that our Tibetan
ability to combine spiritual qualities with a realistic and practical attitude
enables us to make a special contribution, in however modest a way. This is
my hope and prayer.

In conclusion, let me share with you a short prayer which gives me great
inspiration and determination:

                For as long as space endures,
                And for as long as living beings remain,
                Until then may I, too, abide
               To dispel the misery of the world.

Thank you.

[Adapted from information at http://www.tibet.com/]