Green Left Weekly, April 9, 2003
West Papua: West Papuans debate way forward for freedom
struggle
HANS GEBZE is a West Papuan student based in Yogyakarta. He has been involved
in political struggle since before 1998. He is a secretary-general of the Alliance of
Papuan Students (AMP). Gebze spoke to Green Left Weekly's MAX LANE about the
West Papuan people's struggle for freedom.
The AMP formed in 1998 "as part of the radicalisation of university students
throughout Indonesia during the movement to overthrow Suharto, which succeeded in
May 1998", Gebze explained. "The AMP was formed out of various city-based student
organisations in Sulawesi, Bali and Java. These groups were originally quite moderate
and under the tutelage of the [Indonesian-controlled] Irian Jaya provincial government.
Of course, students in West Papua were also involved."
The first big AMP congress was held in Yogyakarta in June 1998. It adopted as its
general perspective support for the "decolonisation" of West Papua, Gebze said. "At
that time, we decided to concentrate on exposing the historical reality of what
happened in 1969, around the so-called "act of self-determination". We published
various materials, including a book, Papua Accuses. But I have to say, at the time we
had a weak emphasis on building the movement."
By December 1999, the AMP had suffered some splits. One group of Papuan
students in Bandung established the Papuan People's Council (DERAP) and another
group established the Independent Network for KEJORA Action (JIAJORA). According
to Gebze, DERAP has become less active and JIAJORA is in a process of internal
consolidation. There were no significant political differences between DERAP,
JIAJORA and the AMP, but AMP's weak emphasis on building the movement in the
early period allowed more space for leadership rivalries to sharpen.
AMP began its own process of reconsolidation in January, 2001. "We consolidated
first in Yogyakarta, then in Bandung in May 2001 and Numbai in December 2001. We
also had maintained a strong group in Sorong in West Papua since January 1999. We
have only just been able to consolidate in Jakarta."
Gebze explained that in West Papua, AMP's base is in Jayapura, the capital, and in
the central highlands areas, including Timika, Puncak Jaya, Jaya Widjaya, Nabire and
Penyi. "These are the main population centres. It is also the area of operation of
Freeport mines and the areas where the Indonesian military has been most active over
the years."
In these areas AMP is undergoing a transformation in its social composition, Gebze
explained. "The initial members of AMP were university students. These students
became involved in organising other sections of the population, including traditional
subsistence farmers — who we call the masyarakat adat — and lower-level
government employees. We are planning to change from a student to a political
organisation."
Platform
Since 2001, AMP has reaffirmed its political platform. AMP calls for: the
decolonisation of West Papua through the holding of a referendum (in which all West
Papuans, as well as all people who have been resident in the territory for 20 years or
more, can vote); for the demilitarisation of West Papua; for the removal of the
remnants of the Suharto regime; for dekapitalisasi (the end of the domination of
capital); and for an end to all genocidal policies.
The AMP sees the absence of any serious policy by Jakarta to deal with the rapid
spread of HIV-AIDS in West Papua as a deliberate policy aimed at the genocide of
Papuans.
As part of dekapitalisasi, the AMP is calling for the closure of the giant US-owned
Freeport mine until the West Papuans' key demands are met. The AMP seeks a
system of joint ownership of the mine that includes a role for local communities.
"Other complications have now developed as a result of the influx of international
capital [into West Papua]", said Gebze. "British Petroleum is coming to West Papua.
The government in Jakarta is supporting this and also using it to try to set up conflict
within the Papuan bureaucratic elite. Jakarta and the Indonesian national parliament
are dividing West Papua into two separate provinces. The bureaucratic elite in one
province will be `working with' Freeport and the other with BP. They hope that this
temptation will draw sections of the local bureaucratic elite into supporting the new
provinces and away from supporting self-determination."
Gebze emphasised that the creation of two provinces will also bring benefits to the
Indonesian military. The new province containing the BP facility will provide the
military with an excuse to establish a provincial military command in the area and
allow it to transfer more troops into the area. "We join with pro-democracy groups
throughout Indonesia to demand the demilitarisation of Indonesia and the abolition of
the provincial military command system", Gebze added.
Grassroots organising
"The AMP is also part of a broader organisation called the Koteka Tribal Assembly
(DEMMAK)", Gebze explained. "DEMMAK emerged as a kind of opposition alliance
following the second Papuan People's Congress in May-June 2000, which was
organised by the opposition Papuan Presidium Council (DPP).
"DEMMAK involved student groups associated with AMP and also village-based
people as well. DEMMAK groups felt that the DPP was too weak in their attitude
towards Freeport. Some DPP people, like Tom Beanal, the deputy chair of the DPP,
are also members of the Freeport board and are shareholders. Others are paid directly
by Freeport. Many of the DPP people had direct links to Golkar, the party of former
Indonesian dictator Suharto, and even the military. It has also been people such as
these who have been signing agreements with BP. We think they are also being paid
by BP."
While the AMP participated in the second Papuan Peoples Congress, it became
disenchanted with its elitist leadership and left to help establish DEMMAK. Through
DEMMAK, AMP activists conduct grassroots organising.
"At the village level, among subsistence farmers, we organise around demands for
Papuan self-determination and demilitarisation. These issues impact on them most of
all. Economic issues are more important to people in the towns, especially among
low-level employees, who are also a base for DEMMAK."
According to Gebze, the DPP represents a more conservative part of Papuan society.
Its base is in the upper levels of the bureaucracy, where corruption is more
widespread due to its access to business, especially international and Jakarta-linked
firms. "The DPP leadership represents an alliance between the Papuan bureaucratic
elite, many with links to Golkar, the military, Indonesian big business and foreign
capital. They can organise parts of the lumpenised urban poor, who have been used
by the military in the past."
Gebze also noted that the DPP also has a student section, called the Youth and
Students Panel. It is only based in Jayapura and has never been a part of any political
movement, having been appointed by Papuan People's Congress.
"The DPP only pursues diplomatic activity in relation to the issues of
self-determination and democracy. DEMMAK emphasises both the diplomatic
struggle and local mass action; it conducts popular education around the true history
of Papua", Gebze explained. "All the same, we must note the DPP leaders are still
supporters of independence."
Gebze pointed out that the former DPP head, Theys Eluay, who was killed by
Indonesia's elite Kopassus soldiers last year, was also a former Golkar leader. He
worked with Jakarta in 1969 to implement the notoriously fake "act of
self-determination" which incorporated West Papua into Indonesia. "Our differences
revolve around how to struggle for independence and over what kind of society Papua
should be after it wins its freedom."
Gebze emphasised that the AMP wants to build a strategic alliance with genuine
pro-democracy forces in Indonesia. "Our best prospect for change is through the
expansion of democratic space in Indonesia. Just as with East Timor, the prospects
for the advance of the struggle in Papua are linked to deeper changes within Indonesia
itself. The government of Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri, which
represents the interests of the military and international capital, must be replaced. We
want to work closely with the Indonesian students', workers' and peasants'
movements."
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