An Phoblacht/Republican News [Ireland], Thursday 13 March 2003
West Papua - Still struggling for freedom
Sem Karoba is a student leader and representative of the West Papua Presidium
Council (West Papua's alternative to the Indonesian government) who is on his
second visit to Ireland, lobbying for international support for his people. More than
100,000 West Papuans have been killed in the last 41 years. For all these years,
people in West Papua have fought for the right to self-determination.
However, their struggle and their rights have been ignored not only by the media, but
also by the leaders of the international community, who worry more about how the
possible "Balkanisation" of Indonesia would affect their economies than about the
lives and future of West Papuans. The fact that West Papuans are sitting on some of
the world's richest deposits of oil, copper, gold and silver does not help. In fact, that is
a large part of the reason they are suffering now.
Everything started back in the 1950s, when the Netherlands - which ruled West
Papua since 1883 - recognised the Papuan right to self-determination in accordance
with Article 72 of the Charter of the United Nation. Had not Indonesia interfered, West
Papua would have achieved self-determination by 1970 - as happened to the eastern
part of the island, Papua New Guinea, which gained full independence from the British
in 1975.
But Indonesia wanted to integrate West Papua into its territories, and in 1961,
Indonesian president Sukarno chose armed conflict to force the issue at a time when
the first parliament had already been installed in West Papua and the national anthem
and Papuan flag had been introduced. The Dutch government agreed with the US and
Indonesia - with the support of the United Nations - to transfer sovereignty to
Indonesia. After years of terror and repression, a fraudulent 'referendum was held in
1969, when 1,025 people voted under duress, on behalf of a population of a million, to
join Indonesia.
Since then, West Papuans have suffered genocide while the country's resources have
been taken away by US Free Port, mining gold and copper and by Britain BP's gas
projects. Their land and culture is under threat as the Indonesians keep implementing
a very aggressive transmigration policy - with many similarities to the Plantation in
Ireland.
For West Papuans, the so-called democratisation of Indonesia has not meant any
change. The governments of Sukarno, Suharto, Wahid or Sukarno's daughter's,
Megawati Sukarnoputri, have only brought them increasing suffering and repression.
But West Papuans feel that their time have come. They rely on the East Timor
experience to know it is possible to break away from the Indonesian colonial power,
but again, the international community's role is crucial for their plans. This is the
reason why Karoba is back in Ireland.
An Phoblacht: The last time you visited Ireland, in the summer of 2001, Wahid was
president of Indonesia. Since then, he has been deposed and Megawati Sukarnoputri
has taken the reins of the country. How has this change affected West Papua's
situation?
Sem Karoba: The presidency of Megawati is like Suharto's. The military are the main
players in politics. However, they have changed their ways: they would ask
Parliament to approve their bills, as some of their activities in Aceh and West Papua
need parliamentary sanction. However, there are many army representatives who sit
in parliament. They have money and power, and the reason they use to justify their
actions is that this is the only way to preserve Indonesia as it is. This is the way of
nationalism. So, the politicians do not have the strength to argue with them. Even
Megawati cannot take any action against those members of the army who were
behind the attack against her office in 1997. The army officer in command at the time
of the attack is now on his second term as governor of Jakarta city.
AP: In 2001, you mentioned that there were possibilities of advancing the situation
while Wahid was in power, as he was more of a negotiator. What about Megawati?
SK: Now the door is closed. They are not talking any more. Since the last time I was
in Ireland, Theys Eluay, the leader of the West Papuan Presidium Council, has been
killed (the Institute for Human Rights Study and Advocacy reported that he had been
abducted, tortured and assassinated). I left Ireland in October 2001 and I was still
travelling when news of his death reached me in November. Another elder from the
area I am from was also poisoned after attending a meeting on sustainable
development in Bali.
Finishing off the leaders was the policy after Megawati came to power. She actually
proposed this policy to Wahid - we have gotten hold of this document recently - who
opposed it. As soon as she took power, she started killing the leaders in Aceh and
West Papua.
Due to pressure from the international community - who are pushing for the idea of
autonomy - she had to order the withdrawal of the Indonesian Special Forces from
West Papua at the beginning of the month. This was due to their many mistakes, like
the killing of two US citizens last year. So now, officially the Special Forces are not
present in West Papua, but they are still there, and the militia is still there.
AP: What are West Papuans doing at the moment?
SK: What we are trying to do is bring our situation to the attention of the international
community. The Indonesians are not interested in dialogue, so we need international
pressure. They go to London, New York and Canberra to ask for opinion and these
three countries are telling them that Indonesia should keep West Papua. If Indonesia
took over West Papua when the Dutch left it was not only because they wanted to do
it, but because the international community allowed them to do it. So now we are
going to the international lobby to ask them to force Indonesia into dialogue.
AP: The problem is that the international community is now too focused on what is
happening in relation to Iraq to actually worry about West Papua.
SK: Our strategy is to lobby quietly now, so when out time comes we will be ready.
We have increased the number of our grassroots supporters in England, for example,
and I expect to do the same in Ireland, so we can send a clear message to the
politicians in relation to the situation in West Papua.
AP: How has 9/11 and the new international scenario of war affected the situation of
West Papua?
SK: Indonesia is the biggest Islamic state in Asia. Many members of the Muslim
Jihad and Muslim extremists have gone into hiding in Indonesia. I have personally
come across some of them in West Papua and in Indonesia. Examples of their
activity are the bombing in Bali and the increased killings in West Papua. Now, in the
name of Islam, they are giving guns and coverage to all these people, telling them that
to defend the integrity of Indonesia is the same as defending Islam, that is the
message they are sending. Maluku and West Papuans are Christians and the
Indonesian government is sending all those Jihad troops to these areas. So, this is
one of the reasons why the international community is listening more to us.
The support of the international community for our cause it is not clear yet, because
most of the international powers have important business dealings with Indonesia.
AP: You have met several politicians here in Ireland. What has their reaction been?
SK: Their reaction has been positive, because they have a historical knowledge of
why independence is so important. They welcome our presence; they support our
cause as long as we defend it in a democratic way. But to make it work we need their
support.
Indonesian politicians do not even reply to our approaches, but they will listen to
international opinion.
I am here to learn about the Irish process and the Good Friday Agreement
negotiations. I want to listen to those who were involved in the negotiations and I want
to meet those who worked behind the scenes. A process of this kind is very difficult,
but they started it and they are on the way to completion. We want something similar
to take place in West Papua.
It is difficult, and many people in my country, and mostly in the area I am from, would
not support any kind of dialogue with Indonesians, and that is what I want to learn,
how to deal with all these situations.
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