America's voter turnout is so low that many assume that improvements require major reforms. The politically-acclaimed "Motor-Voter Act," which synthesized motor vehicle and voting registration processes, did not affect turnout. Motor vehicle registries' notorious lines make any sane individual eager to leave as quickly as possible -- despite its actual simplicity and speed, registering to vote is seen as synonomous with more bureaucracy and more wasted time.
Politicians either are hesitant to encourage higher turnout or they are simply searching too deep for solutions. Two straightforward structural changes to the federal election system would substantially increase voter turnout across America.
Automatic registration:
Our voting registration system system was devised during an era of political upheaval and rampant voting fraud. But times have changed. People should not be required to register to vote; instead, when a person turns 18, he or she should automatically be registered to vote. Perhaps the government could consolidate this program with the current military draft notification system, under which all citizens receive draft cards on or around their 18th birthday.
Voter turnout is substantially higher in countries with automatic voter registration. Of course, correlation does not prove causation, but it seems a logical step in the right direction. Automatic registration eliminates what laziness creates: a psychological obstacle to and justification for not making it to the polls. If people could show up to vote with little foresight or preparation (other than considering who or what to vote for), voter turnout would exceed 50 percent.
Make election days voter-friendly:
Federal elections (and therefore many state and local elections) are on Tuesdays. The original reasons for that choice are unclear, but today it is obsolete. Holding elections during the working week discourages full-time workers and parents from voting. The weekend -- either Saturday or Sunday -- is a more sensible time to hold elections, because less people work. Without the workday rush, people would be more likely to take the time to vote.
CTD supports shifting all federal elections from Tuesdays to Sundays. Saturday is unattractive because Orthodox Jews cannot practice secular activities. Sunday, while a day of worship and rest for many, is a more convenient and appropriate day to spend 30 minutes voting. Many states and localities would model such a policy; most elections soon would be held on Sundays, not Tuesdays, and voter turnout nationwide would drastically improve. Germany holds its national elections on Sundays, and boasts voter turnout rates of 80 percent -- and often higher.
Several of the causes of low voter turnout are not addressed by the above policy options. For
example, people often don't like any of the candidates, elections are dominated by "big money," and one person's vote doesn't really count. One of the following three programs would adequately address all three of those pernicious problems:
and establish proportional representation: Replacing the electoral college with direct elections and substituting a proportional representation scheme for current House elections would substantially improve third parties' odds of election and would give disenfranchised
voters many more options in Presidential, congressional, and state and local elections.
The probability of total voter alienation would plummet.
In addition, without the electoral college, votes would be tallied in such a way that each
individual vote would count. With more than 100 million eligible voters, each vote still will not
count much, but they would each gain noticeably more individual meaning.
Campaign finance reform would remove money from politics and campaigns. If money was not an insurmountable political asset, many diverse and daring parties and political strategies would gain prominence. Candidates from all facets of the political spectrum would succeed based on their views' popularity, not their supporters' wealth.
But the problem of money in politics goes beyond automatic acquiescence to mainstream politics. It is also a potent symbol of politics' corruption and insincerity. Disillusionment and disgust, primary reasons for declining turnout, would dissolve with even the prospect of real campaign finance reform.
Other proposals also deserve consideration. Non-binding elections have and will continue to take place online (and at polls) in the 2000 elections cycle, and early reports indicate significantly higher voter turnout, particularly among younger voters. A national initiative process -- modeled on various state programs (California, Massachusetts, Washington, Arizona, etc.) -- could spur voter interest and involvement, and states with ballot initiatives and referenda boast relatively high turnout.
Voter turnout is a serious problem, and politicans have several choices as to how to ameliorate the situation. Inaction, however, is not an option. Apathy and uninvolvement are signs of dissent, and dissent spells democracy's demise: in short, the electorate's crisis is America's, too. Without immediate attention, participatory democracy will die.
