Interview with I____, the of the Japanese Communist Party.
Conducted on the 9th of August 2000 at the JCP (Japan
Communist Party) Headquarters, Tokyo.
Translated from Japanese by Ian Laidlaw.
I - Ian Laidlaw
T – I____
Interview Begins
T: This is something I wrote in September 1991, this is something I wrote
in 1998 and this is something I wrote in February 1999, so they are all things
that at one time or another I have written, I will copy them all for you.
This is a general idea of all of them, it is a view of the solution to
the Buraku issue by national unity. In
other words, it is a written summary of the question of how to solve the Buraku
problem. Right now it is being done by
the Dowa administration, which is a special administration. We are currently trying to bring it to an
end.
As to what problems there are with the Dowa administration, they are
raised here. Also, our thinking with
regard to whether or not the issues of the Dowa administration and Liberation
Education, I believe that is what it is called, should be ended is also related
here. I believe that you will read
it. Then there is the question of how
we see the Buraku issue.
I side with the kôryo, or the JCP (Japan Communist Party).
Regarding the Buraku problem from within the kôryo, while
analysing various domestic and foreign affairs, and asking in what way we talk
about the Buraku problem, please record that, with regard to the so called
Buraku problem, we are continually trying to bring about national fusion. We are making an effort to create national
fusion for [solving] the Buraku problem.
In other words, it is possible to bring about a solution by mixing with
each other within the Japanese race.
Incorporating solidarity fusion more into this fusion, there is a
possible solution by including this. It
can be solved. This is one view of how
the Buraku problem can be solved. With
regard to why that has arisen, the fact is that the Buraku problem, the
Liberation League [BLL] are conducting mistaken regulations. Originally, the Buraku problem was a problem
of fellow nationals within the Japanese nation, or the Japanese ethnic
group. It is not an ethnicity problem
where people came from somewhere else and were separated, as a so called
foreign ethnic group issue. It is a
problem within the one ethnic group, or a problem of the formation of the class
system that divided the same Japanese people during the formation of the feudal
society, [which occurred] about 300 or 400 years ago.
So the problem that was created in feudal society, in the class system,
saw various historical changes after that time such as the Meiji Restoration,
the Second World War and the modernisation of society. There were various social experiences that
occurred. Within those changes, the
Buraku problem changed. In the times
when the Buraku issue was a necessity, looking at the social flow of the
problem, after the collapse of the feudal system they went to work in
companies.
I think that there is one important necessity to examine this
exactly. Looking at it generally,
breaking up the Buraku problem, I think that it can be divided into 4 or 5
historical sections.
Looking at it historically, the first term was, in short, the Buraku
people suffered institutionalised discrimination mainly because of the feudal
system. This was the time of
formation. They suffered miserable
circumstances.
This was the cause of their genesis.
This was the first term. The
second term was when the feudal system collapsed and the social revolution
called the Meiji Restoration occurred.
The Emancipation Edict came out on the 4th year of Meiji
[1871] during the restoration. It was
like a law that dismantled the [social] divisions. However, it wasn’t the case that it did so, but it came out
then. There was the understanding that
it had to come out, but in truth it did not really end [the class system]. Within this they still suffered class
discrimination. This was the second
period. Then the third term was in
1922, when the JCP was born, the farmers movement and various other social
movements began to happen. On the base
of those social movements, the Buraku people also formed a liberation movement
called the Suiheisha movement, and began to fight. That movement to end the Buraku problem themselves, that time
when they stood up to fight, that was the third period.
Then the fourth period was the so called post-war [period], after we were
defeated at war, a new Japan began.
After the war there were new conditions such as the formation of the
Japanese constitution, and various assistance from America, as well as
pressure, in order to maintain a standard of democratisation, and within that,
the Heisei period, was the fourth period where it was recognised that the protection
of human rights and anti-discrimination were important things for the
nation. It was a term when people
realised that Buraku discrimination had to be ended.
Then the fifth period is the current one. The present situation from our viewpoint is that the differences
in living conditions between Burakumin and the average Japanese have been
reduced due to the introduction of various financial support from national and
governmental assistance that was intended to reduce the extreme gaps that
existed, and the Buraku have been improved to the same conditions as normal
districts. The Buraku people are not
just living with other Burakumin, but also other people from outside the
Buraku, and more recently with foreign people.
In other words, it is the becoming the case that people do not know the
circumstances of anybody’s background and so within the sudden change to a
society where people are able to advance thanks to national or administrative
assistance, there is a situation where it is possible to reach a solution
together by joining together as a nation.
It is a time where if that effort is accumulated then we can have a
solution to the Buraku problem, in this fifth term.
However, in spite of this fifth term bringing about a change to the
misery of the past, there is fixation on the Buraku issue that is perpetually
accumulating special rights for Buraku through unnatural manipulation. This is how we see the Liberation
Movement. In spite of the possibility
of a solution to the Buraku problem at this stage, they are not following the
flow of history in their movement, but rather they are fixing the state of
Buraku in time and so getting more money from the administration, they are
manipulating people in this unnatural way.
They are introducing obstacles by using people. Under the guise of the name of Buraku
liberation, the BLL is practicing such things.
This requires diligence, to find a solution to the Buraku problem. The BLL’s activities are not finding
solutions to the Buraku problem, they are committing extortion and act
anti-socially, they are disturbing regional administration, they are
interfering with regional administration and they are dividing children by
interfering with education. The most
important thing is not to separate children, this is an important thing, but it is the case that the children are
being manipulated discriminatorily right now by the insertion of Buraku
[issues] into school. It is being done
with something called Liberation Education.
In a time when it is important not to separate children, but to bring
them together, the most serious problem is the problem of why Buraku children
are being separated out. Furthermore,
Dowa Education, or Liberation Education, is still conducing surveys to find out
who the Buraku children are at schools.
In other words, Buraku children are being unnaturally separated out and
identified to the administration and the movement. So surveys are being carried out to show “this child is a Buraku
child”, and “[this child is] a Buraku resident”, and “in this school and in
this school there are this many Buraku children” and consequently they are
given special favour by dispatching special teachers, they are even doing
that. They are destroying the balance
of relationships with other children.
They are giving special treatment to them and so, if this continues on,
we will not be able to have a solution to the Buraku problem, so that kind of
discriminatory treatment must be stopped.
They must all be treated equally, that is what the JCP claims. So if you look at it, even though
historically there have been many things, if you look at the flow, to put it
simply, regardless of the state of the effort that everybody has put into
achieving equality, the Buraku [issue] still persists, legally speaking one might
say frozen, the Buraku have been perpetually legally frozen by the endless
discriminatory allowances made to them.
In other words, the Buraku have been concreted in, and the BLL think
that they are liberating the Buraku people, but that is not the case. The Buraku are being perpetually frozen by
legislation. From the perspective of
liberation from the Buraku problem.
They should stop that discriminatory manipulation, the important thing
being for the administration to focus substantially on the whole nation, or to
socially secure the living situations of all those under hardship through
complete policies so that the Buraku people who face hardship within that whole
group are treated as administratively the same and are not divided from the
rest, that is what is important. I
think that is the most important thing to understand.
Originally the Buraku liberation movement at the time of the Suiheisha
worked with the JCP. The most active
people in the Suiheisha movement were members of the JCP. Looking at the Suiheisha, it is a movement
that was quite far back in the past at a time when the conditions were quite
extreme. It was a movement where the
[Buraku] people themselves rose up to put an end to Buraku discrimination, and
that was its significance, in the beginning it had this historical
significance, and as to what they actually did, they fought for the average
oppressed Buraku areas.
Their group practice was to fight against the people who made
discriminatory speeches and used discriminatory language, in other words, they
surrounded people and various representative bodies and forced them to
apologise, and did various other things.
These are the discrimination-kyűdan [denunciation] sessions,
these kyűdan are violent forceful things that abduct people without
regard for their human rights and force an apology, force them to
apologise. This is what they did. In the beginning they held bamboo spears,
but in those days the discrimination was pretty bad so I think that in the
instant that the masses of Buraku people arose they went too far, to some
extent. I do not think that it could
have been helped. However, as the years
piled up during the Suiheisha movement, they realised that they should not be
pursuing individuals, but that they should be aiming their movement at the
fundamental root of the discrimination problem and so they united with the
farmers and the labourers and realised that they had to fight to end the cause
of the discrimination, which, at that time, was the emperor system, or the so
called feudal class system, so the movement progressed from the violent kyűdan
that was aimed at individuals, to the organisational fight, or so called
political fight They formed a public
conciliation movement that united people with each other, that was the
direction of the Suiheisha movement.
The pre-war national Suiheisha movement had that great destination
themselves. They united the Japanese
people and fought together against the source of the discrimination, which was
the feudal land system and the emperor system.
They progressed from the mistake of fighting against individuals, that
was the historical direction of the Suiheisha movement. However, after the war the BLL, well, the
Suiheisha movement opposed the war in the beginning but they were dissolved
when they ended up supporting it. They
cooperated with the war [effort] and were broken up. They disappeared from history.
Regardless of that, the only people who opposed the war were the JCP,
they were thrown in prison, but all other movements came to cooperate with the
war, and the Suiheisha similarly was forced to cooperate as well.
That unfortunate thing happened, but after the war a new constitution was
made and new social conditions were born in a defeated Japan, and within this
the BLL restarted, or rather it [the Buraku liberation movement] restarted as
the BLL, this had a definite starting point of 1960, the BLL did, they departed
from the historical JCP’s [ideals] of joining many different people together as
one organization. The issue of Buraku
liberation was a subject for democratisation at the time. With the democratisation of Japan, more and
more a solution could have been reached.
The people’s United Front Movement demanded peace, independence and
democracy, so they had a side of gaining victory for peace, freedom and
democracy. That was one side of the
direction of the Buraku liberation movement after the war, the fight for peace,
freedom and democracy.
By uniting with the people, by creating a country of peace, freedom and
democracy, within that the Buraku problem, or the Dowa problem, can be
solved. In truth, there were various
efforts made, in 1965 the national plan in the form of the Dowa Countermeasures
Deliberative Council Report was released.
That was pushed for by Buraku people and people who demanded
democracy. Measures were taken to
establish administrative equivalents in Buraku and produce policy along similar
lines to that of the Government and the Buraku Countermeasures Enterprises were
established, which improved the circumstances of aspects of Buraku that were
behind with special administrative measures, developed the lifestyles of Buraku
people who lived in troublesome circumstances with special policies, and they
have various other policies as national policies.
The Dowa Countermeasures Enterprises Special Measures Laws were set up to
support the administrations within Buraku areas that were established as a
result of the Dowa Countermeasures Report.
The law allowed special aid to be given to Buraku communities. This law had a 10 year limit, but it was
extended. Then it was extended
again. It has been extended under a
number of different names. It is the
case that the Dowa Countermeasures Enterprises Special Measures Law has been in
place for 28 years, compensating Buraku communities. It was decided in 1997 that it will be at last ended. In 28 years, it spent 15,000,000,000,000
yen. In other words, it has corrected
definite differences in equality and has improved lifestyles. However, when this law was created in 1969,
“Asada-theory” came out.
Up until then, the Buraku Liberation League had gone along with the
United Front’s movement for peace, freedom and democracy, but the Asada-theory
stated that there are many other discriminated-against people outside of the
Buraku people. After taking special
trouble to unite with the nation and fight for the progress of democratisation,
they suddenly broke off in a different direction. There are other discriminated-against people in Japan, and they
are effectively fighting against them, or returning to the old ways of the
denunciation sessions of the beginnings of the pre-war Suiheisha. So that theory came out and they [the BLL]
monopolised the money that came out of the Special Measures Laws for the Buraku
and used it for themselves. So they
opposed supporting the other people who were being subjected to discrimination
and the Buraku liberation movement split apart into a number of different
movements. The JCP, however, is not
like that.
Shouldn’t we give thought to that, that by uniting with the people we can
work towards a solution?
We should improve the Buraku situation and confront the Government, but
money was like honey and there was a move to use that for themselves. Then they were unable to unite with the nation. They monopolised. We do not agree with the confusing move away from the non-Buraku
people, as it is a return to the methods of the Suiheisha and the Asada-theory. The BLL contains many people who endorse
that. Within that they conduct kyűdan
sessions on the regional governments, they illegitimately conduct kyűdan
sessions because of supposed discrimination or something else, and demand
money, they also conduct kyűdan on schools and demand that their
children be given special discriminatory treatment. They also demand special
administrative measures for their Buraku to be given special treatment and to
be able to manage the communities themselves.
In other words they demand that the property of the administration be
handed over. Under the name of the BLL,
under the name of opposing Buraku discrimination, they do these kinds of
things. They then exclude the people
within the Buraku who oppose those actions from the organization.
So, with tunnel vision, regardless of whether or not they live in the
same Buraku, regardless of whether or not they are living in the Buraku, if
they receive special measures, they do not apply them to some people, they even
exclude children who live in the Buraku, so they are creating divisions. So we have created organizations within
Buraku, as an alternative to the BLL, called the Zenkairen. We created the Zenkairen in 1970 at
the National Academic Movement Alliance Council [Zenkoku-gakkai-undô-rengôkai],
and it is still here today. The Zenkairen
is working to help all Buraku and is also trying to end the Dowa
administration, and Dowa education, and has the opinion that the divisions
within the one administration that were created by the BLL are unhealthy.
The BLL are still controlling the Buraku areas, and the Dowa administration
are still active here and there, they are estranging the Buraku from the
mainstream, and are acting too liberally so that it is the same institutionally
speaking.
There is that problem. Within
this progress the BLL are still committing violent kyűdan in various
areas against regional government, schools, individuals in society, businesses,
and anywhere else they can reach. Even
with regard to mass communication. They
then force their unreasonable demands on them.
Even with our common sense in Japan today, if one is not careful then
you can be captured and taken to a certain place and subjected to certain
thinking and be forced to apologise, nobody has the jurisdiction to do that, no
other body has the jurisdiction to do that.
Only the BLL has the authority to conduct kyűdan. With regard to the abduction of people’s
human rights, it is an unlawful antisocial act that is based on the legality of
police actions, who can capture individuals, but under this organization’s
name, they do not have the jurisdiction to capture or arrest people based on
the reason that they have made a discriminatory speech. But right now they act as if they have.
Why does this happen? It is
because the police will not act against it.
The surrounding people see it as taboo, so they do it as much as they
like. That harm happens a lot.
However, the BLL has always lost at a trial when people have had the
courage to sue them.
They constantly commit unlawful and threatening acts. The BLL has become central, they have become
a UN NGO, thanks to the UN Human Rights Committee, they have become an
NGO. This is when the problem of
violence became an issue.
There was notification from the UN.
That was that, despite the problem that their legal opinion was not
given out, with regard to the BLL constantly committing violent acts, there
would be problems if they adopted that kind of organization, so the NGO
Committee judged that this problem had to be resolved in Japan. That is, with regard to the violent
injustices, those rights had to be taken away, that power taken away. However, that flow has not yet changed,
nobody criticises them, asides from the JCP and the Zenkairen, nobody
will criticise them.
The government makes no effort to control them either. An American writer put a book out on the
structure of Japanese power. He talks
about power and the BLL as one aspect of this.
One of the things that he wrote was that society is silent about the
violent power that the BLL wields.
There are many incidents that are related to them, they do not like
people who are affiliated with the JCP, as I stated before, they demand that
special education be given to Buraku children at school. The school teachers, however, do not listen
to them. In other words, it is
important that academic education does not submit to unjust outside
pressure. They can not go along with
the demands of just one activist group.
Schools are unable to justly accept the demands of the BLL to teach
according to their specific ideology and to treat Buraku children
specially. But in doing that, the
teachers are taken out of their schools and into BLL locations and subjected to
kyűdan.
They then ask why they won’t accept their education at the school, and
force them to apologise. Right now the
shape of these has become more gentle, but there have been very serious violent
incidents at high schools such as in Hakuchű where 70 high school teachers were
attached by about 200 people.
They were then crowded into a gymnasium and inflicted with terror and
violence. 58 people were taken to
hospital with injuries, this was called the yôka-kôkô-bôryoku incident. An assembly member of the JCP exposed this
at parliament. They took up the issue
at parliament as to whether or not this kind of incident could happen again under
the name of Buraku liberation. It took
20 years for them to be found guilty.
That was one incident, but there have been many more similar incidents
all over the country. Recently high
school principles in Hiroshima, Mie and Kôchi prefectures were caught in a
predicament between the BLL and teachers who refused to comply [with the BLL’s
demands] and they committed suicide.
Those incidents did not go to court, but that kind of thing happens a
lot. Similar things have happened to
presidents of companies. They have been
put under pressure from kyűdan and have committed suicide. This is no longer a democratic movement, we
take the position that the BLL’s policies have turned them into a violent
concessions group. To them the Buraku
must always remain.
If that was not the case then they could not subsist. It is so according to tax, the BLL can
notify the tax organization about groups so that their tax rates are
lowered. The BLL can lower tax rates
with their stamp [signature], so there are people now who are using them. In exchange for the lowering of tax rates,
they demand many donations. This gold
vein running behind society has become a big problem. There are people who have been arrested, such as E____, who was a
high government official who was accepting bribes. He was arrested, but he was being coerced. There is a person who is called the emperor
of the area behind society and the BLL manipulates people so that they can
maintain their special tax privileges, they use the connection with Dowa to
maintain their rights to lower taxes.
In doing so the BLL is uniting with the people behind society.
Especially tax reduction and exemption, but they are also involved in tax
evasion. They are a violent group who
are using the Buraku problem to their own ends, and so the Buraku problem
cannot be solved, they are perpetually and legally freezing the Buraku and
using them for their own gain, the Buraku will always be Buraku. Furthermore, the Buraku are no longer identifiable
by their constitutes. They have become
all jumbled up, more young people are leaving them and marriage at the age of
20 to 30 with people from outside the Buraku is common, so there is no longer
any relation [between Buraku people and Buraku]. Looking at it statistically, there are reports of discrimination
in marriage so that Buraku people are forced to marry other Buraku people, but
that is not the case because marriage between the sexes due to good will is
very prevalent, and even though there are people who doubt that, they only represent
a small proportion of people and so Japanese society as a whole is not
concerned. The problem is already being
solved. It is so with the problem of
marriage, with the passing of people in their 70s and 80s, the problem will
disappear.
It is because those people exist that there is a percentage remaining,
for example Buraku people who have married other Buraku people and people who
didn’t attend high school. However,
recently everybody is attending [high school].
The older generation did not attend high school and they remain in the
ratio. Once those people pass on, the
difference will become zero. It is
because those people still remain that the percentage is still there. In reality, there are people who are not
attending high school, but they are people from outside the Buraku [population]
as well so it is no longer a Buraku issue, but a complication for society. There are various reasons that those
children do not attend high school, but it is not because they are Buraku
children. What we must do now is tell
the people who still have outdated Buraku thinking and who hold prejudice
against Buraku that, since we have a constitution, that kind of thinking in the
sphere of everyday life nowadays is wrong, are we not the same human beings?
It is possible that we can talk with one-another and achieve a
solution. Instead of telling the
administration to create laws and to reform their thinking, they can currently
achieve a solution within the daily lives of the average people. That is the only way that Japan can advance,
it is because of outdated thinking that people think the foundation can be made
on discriminatory kyűdan and legislation. I think that they want to make a Fundamental Law for Buraku
Liberation, but that is not a social act.
That came about 20 years ago, but it has yet to be achieved. The LDP says that they will not make such a
law. Their thinking is that the Buraku
have been given a lot of money and have improved, and there are even aspects of
Buraku that are better [than the mainstream], so even though the Dowa
enterprises tell the Government to create it, the nation does not support it.
So their thinking is a problem, their discriminatory consciousness is a
problem. It is because that
consciousness still exists that they want a law to subjugate, to protect and
defend human rights. That they want
education and enlightenment programmes to protect human rights.
Human rights, however, is a very profound thing and it is not only about
discriminatory thinking.
Our country’s constitution is a very great thing in relation to human
rights. The constitution talks about
human rights in chapter three from articles 10 through 40, or thereabouts. There are various policies in it that regard
people in the lowest level of life with regard to health. It is the responsibility of the country to
guarantee those human rights, so everybody has to think about it. Our standpoint is that we as the JCP also
have to consider what is written in the constitution so that instead of aiming
for general achievement, we move for substantial growth and development. However, what the BLL is currently doing is,
even though the law that they want is called a law for the promotion and
protection of human rights, human rights promotional education, the contents is
not human rights, instead it is a law that deals with conquest over outdated
discriminatory thinking with regard to Buraku.
The details of the law skirt the issues of HIV, women, people under
hardship and foreign workers, but these are real problems. However, when the stage of a possibility of
a solution to the Buraku problem is reached, there will no longer be any need
for that law.
What we want is a law so that the Dowa issue, this is quite difficult [to
explain], it should be created so that it is regarded as a large wrapping cloth
for human rights, so that the substance of the law can deal with threats and
prejudice related to Buraku discrimination [as well as other human rights
issues. That is the kind of law we want
made. In other words, what we are
taking about is that the Dowa enterprises should no longer yield a profit. What they are doing is profiting from
prejudice and discrimination, so that they are asking for money, for the
creation of facilities and for the arrangement of personal affairs from the
country in order to fix these problems that exist due to outdated
thinking. It is the creation of a new
kind of system of discrimination.
They are asking for the continuation and reconstruction of Dowa
enterprises, but what these are really doing is making profit and creating
profitable jobs for Dowa. For example,
when you went to N____ [Buraku], there was a great office there. That was a public building, but it was
unfortunately privatised. It belonged
to Osaka city, but the BLL now occupy it.
The Buraku Liberation Research Institute produce various things, but
even their personal expenses are paid out.
Their movement is primarily an employees’ movement, they collect
money. All of that money is from the
Government, for anything [they might want].
They emphasise Dowa policy and improve Dowa [areas], and their name is
changing again to Human Rights Education and Enlightenment and the
administrative system will continue to hand out money to them.
We have been fighting them for many years, so we know what they are going
to try to do, but there are people who have been deceived by them. Human rights is a very important thing. Instead of making an effort to find a solution,
they are privatising, which has no relation to either the Buraku problem or the
protection of human rights. We
therefore call it false human rights.
We are exposing their false human rights for the purpose of real human
rights protection.
When the government or someone makes a mistaken speech, they do not take
them to task with kyűdan. They
only do it to average individuals. When
the speech is by an individual, they say it is a problem with the
administration and they lean on the administration. They ask whether the administration feel responsible for that
problem? They do stuff like that all
the time.
Osaka is the worst. With regard
to that, the Buraku liberation organization is running counter-current. If they really tried to solve this problem
then they would have to remove the obstacles.
But the people supporting them are the administration, with vast amounts
of money, even though the Government is telling them to stop the Dowa
enterprises, the Osaka regional government and Osaka city are not doing
so. They are just handing out more
money. In that way, they are swimming
along the highway. The country is the
same. As to why they are swimming, the
JCP was at the centre of the reform unification that divided the nation and the
city people and divided the flow of politics.
When the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) was strong in the reform
unification (kakushin-tôitsu), reformed regional governments were
created in Kyoto, Osaka, Kanagawa, Okinawa and Tokyo. Conditions emerged where close to 40% of the population of Japan
came to live under the reformed bodies.
The issue of why these reformed bodies were crushed is the biggest
problem of the LDP. It is because they
used the BLL to crush the reformed regional governments. In other words, the BLL divided the Buraku
people from the people facing discrimination outside the Buraku, so the nation
was divided, and the road of politics became divided. The JCP was opposed to this.
It happened when the anticommunist national army corps fought against
communism. It has continued for a long
time in Kyoto. The governor of NG____ has
been democratically unjust for a long time[could be mistranslated here].
The thing that drove a wedge between the JCP and the JSP was the
BLL. The JSP supported the direction of
the BLL, whereas we did not. They
caused us to split off when we had to determine the loyalties of the governor
to see who he would support, and various other things. Then the BLL occupied the government office
of the governor of Minobi, who carried out much of the reform unification, and
made unjust and impossible demands. This
turned into a big problem. The JCP said
that there was no need to accept their demands, but the JSP and the governor
accepted them.
So a system was developed within the administration where they could not
instigate any welfare policies without the consent of the BLL. This seems very unusual to all other
regional governments. They require
stupid things like special educational policies before they will accept any
welfare policies. It has become a huge
problem that goes against the principles of justice. The wedge that was driven between the unity of the JCP and the
JSP in the reform unification was therefore fired from the weapon of the
BLL. In that way, there are various
forms of swimming such as national division and attacks on the JCP and the division
of reform. It is a dangerous trend,
from our perspective. It is important
that everybody understand this.
We are not criticising the Buraku people. The Buraku people who are under the influence of the BLL are our
partners. The Buraku leaders who have
mislead these people cannot be forgiven.
The Buraku people are being affected, but they are not to blame. They must join with us. That work is being done by the Zenkairen.
The organization in N____ is a huge one, but we have an office there,
even though it is not a building, but there is an office that is run by a Osaka
JCP assemblyman. Even though he lost,
he got 45% of the vote, so we are fighting effectively. There are Buraku people who understand very
well [what the BLL is up to], but they do not get anything if they are not
caught up in the BLL. There are around
130 policies in Osaka, they can get anything they want if they put out their
hand. In kindergarten, if they do not
have an eraser then they can get one from the teacher, but if the teacher does
not give them one then they can tell the BLL who surprise the teacher. This kind of education is unacceptable
because the children do not learn to be independent. In other words, because the children are under the protection of
the Dowa, they can just say “Dowa” to the teacher, who will be surprised and
then give them anything they want. So
the independence of the children does not progress.
We don’t just want them to critically look at themselves, we want them to
fight against the BLL establishment that has been misleading them for decades
and to establish a proper organization.
We are trying to help the nation do such a thing right now.
The BLL is currently retreating.
The government is beginning to adopt our policies, so that the government
believes the Dowa enterprises cannot continue forever. It is because they are shifting to have a
general administration. I think that
that has been our contribution with regard to the BLL.
Interview Ends