|
In the 7th century, when they were converted to Christianity. Shortly afterwards they received the privilege of using their national language in church services. Under pressure from the neighbouring Frankish and Byzantine empires, the tribal organization of the Croats gradually gave way to larger units, and there existed two Croatian duchies, one in Dalmatia along the Adriatic coast, the other in Pannonia. After the Frankish-Byzantine peace of 812, Pannonian Croatia became a part of the Frankish empire and the Dalmatian duchy recognized nominal Byzantine supremacy. In the middle of the 9th century the Pannonian Croats liberated themselves and joined the Dalmatian duchy, which also shook off foreign domination. By 880 Branislav (879-892) became the first independent dux Croatorum. The Croatian Kingdom:
Tomislav (910 - 928) was the first ruler of a unified Croatia. During the
next 180 years, Croatia enjoyed strength and prosperity under its own kings.
Tomislav, one of Branislav's successors, annexed the Dalmatian cities and in 925
received the royal crown from Pope John X. Tomislav and his heirs made strenuous
efforts to defend their kingdom both from the Bulgarian empire in Pannonia and
from Venice, which was spreading its power along the Dalmatian coast. After
Tomislav's death, a series of civil wars weakened central authority and lost
peripheral territories including Bosnia. The Byzantines helped Stjepan Drzislav
(969-997) to liberate the coastal towns from Venice but succeeded in
re-establishing their own influence on the Adriatic. Peter Kresimir changed this
situation, by breaking off relations with Byzantium, strengthening Croatia's
ties with the papacy and enlarged the state boundaries. Croatia then reached the
peak of its power. It spread southwards along the Adriatic coast from the river
Rasa in Istria to the rivers Tara and Piva in Montenegro, eastward to the Drina
and northward to the Drava and to the Danube. Kresimir's policy divided the
nation into a Latin group which upheld the king and a national group which
enjoyed popular support in opposing the king's policy. This division became
fatal during the reign of Dimitrije Zvonimir, who was crowned in Split by the
legate of Pope Gregory VII. Zvonimir was invited by the pope to participate in a
war against the Seljuk Turks, and convened a great assembly to win his subjects
over the campaign. The people accused him of being a papal vassal and killed
him. Anarchy and civil war followed, and with it the decline of the Croatian
Kingdom. The death of King Zvonimir in 1089 or 1090 without heirs evidently led
a group of Croatian nobles in 1091 to conclude the Pacta Conventa with Hungarian
King Ladislaus, conceding him the Croatian crown in exchange for Croatian
autonomy. Another group of Croatians opposed the Hungarian king, but were
defeated by Ladislaus successor Kalman. Union with Hungary: For eight centuries Croatia was connected with Hungary. Their relationship often changed. The reign of the Hungarian national dynasty, the Arpads, was instrumental in introducing feudalism on a western pattern in Croatia. In 1301, on the extinction of the Arpads, the Croats crowned Charles Robert of Anjou-Naples as their king at Zagreb. This broke the relationship with Hungary until the Hungarians also accepted him in 1310 (as Charles I of Hungary). After the death of Louis I of Hungary and Croatia and several years of dynastic conflicts, the Croats in 1403 crowned the Neapolitan prince Ladislas at Zadar. The appearance of the Turks in the Balkans in the 15th century imposed a period of hard struggles on the Croats. By 1420 Venice controlled virtually all of Dalmatia except Dubrovnik. Venice restricted education, so that Zadar, the administrative centre of Dalmatia, lacked even a printing press until 1796. Despite centuries of struggle for dominance of the region and exploitation by Venice, Dalmatia produced several first-rate artists and intellectuals, including the sculptor Radovan, Juraj Dalmatinac, an architect and sculptor, writer Ivan Gundulic, and scientist Rudjer Boskovic.
The Rise of Croatian
Nationalism: After
the fall of Napoleon relations between Croats and Hungarians soon became
critical. To strengthen their opposition to the Germanizing policy of the
Habsburgs, the Hungarian revolutionaries strove to consolidate the lands of St.
Stephen's crown and to establish a Magyar national state from the Carpathians to
the Adriatic. The Croats refused to renounce their nationality or to accept any
violation of their autonomy in the national interest of the Hungarians. In open
defiance of Hungarian claims, Count Juraj Draskovic proposed in 1832 to the
Hungarian parliament a national and cultural program for Croatia. It expressed
the ideas of the "Illyrian movement," organized by Ljudevit Gaj, which
aimed at he union of all South Slavs (Yugoslavs) within the Habsburg
federation. After 13 years of imperial absolutism and political lethargy a reorganization
of the Habsburg empire was planned by the centralist patent of Feb. 26, 1861. In
1868, the Croats and the Hungarians concluded a compromise of their own, the nagodba,
whereby the triune kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia was recognized as a
distinct political nation with its own territory, though still part of the
Hungarian as opposed to the Austrian unit. Dalmatia was not united with
Croatia-Slavonia and remained an Austrian province. The local government was
headed by a ban proposed to the emperor by Budapest but responsible to
the Croatian diet. The Croatian language was given official status throughout
the land. The year 1903 was a turning point in Croatian politics. The political
leaders in all Croatian provinces became intensively active, seeking to
concentrate their forces and to organize them into new parties and initiating
co-operation with the Serbs in Croatia. In 1906 the Croatian-Serbian coalition
won a sweeping electoral victory and henceforth became an important political
factor. The Yugoslav Union:
Serbian and Montenegrin
victories over the Turks in the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 encouraged the Croats to
envisage freedom in an independent Yugoslav union that would include Serbia and
Montenegro, but in 1914, when the arch-duke Francis Ferdinand was assassinated
at Sarajevo, relations between the Croats and the Hungarians appeared to be
calm, thanks to the policy of compromise pursued by the Croatian-Serbian
coalition, which in 1913 became the government party in Croatia. With the
outbreak of World War I the Austro-Hungarian authorities introduced measures of
extreme severity throughout their South Slav provinces. The emperor Charles made
clear in his coronation speech in 1916 that he recognized Croatian integrity in
relation to Hungary, thereby establishing the equality of both countries under
St. Stephen's crown. On Oct. 29, 1918, the Croatian diet broke off all ties with
Hungary and Austria and proclaimed an independent Croatia which entered into a
state union with other South Slav provinces of the empire, to be governed by a
national council. On the request of council's emissaries, on Dec. 1, 1918, the
Serbian prince regent Alexander proclaimed the union of this state with Serbia
and Montenegro. Yugoslavia came into being. After the election of 1920 the
Peasant party (HSS) under Stjepan Radic led Croatian opposition.
The
assassination of Radic and some of his political collaborators in the Belgrade
parliament on June 20, 1928, produced serious crisis, but the HSS continued its
activism under Vlatko Macek. Finally, as conflict between Serbs and Croats was
preventing the consolidation of Yugoslavia, the Belgrade government had to give
in.
With the collapse of Nazi Germany, and the approach of communist forces toward Zagreb in 1945, most Ustaša leaders, as well as Macek and many other Croatians, fled toward areas occupied by American and British units. A contingent of the Ustaša military and home defense also fled into Austria, but were captured by the Allies at Bleiburg, then returned to Yugoslavia where most evidently were executed by Tito’s forces. At the end of the war, Tito (A Croatian Communist who fought against the Italian-back Ustaša regime) reconciled all the various parts of Yugoslavia and created a Yugoslav federation with Croatia as one of the constituent republics. By the terms of the peace treaty with Italy in 1947, most of Istria, formerly part of Italy, was included in Croatia. Tito's new authoritarian government ruthlessly suppressed any sign of ethnic nationalism, with all power given to the multi-ethnic (in theory, non-ethnic) communist party. During the 1960s and 1970s Croatia's beautiful Adriatic coastline attracted tourism, which contributed to Yugoslavia's economy. Croatians began to agitate for greater autonomy as they saw their tourist revenues being used to stamp out Croatian nationalism. Constant attention was required to maintain the suppression of nationalist expression. Croatia was an area of special concern, as the center of the strongest nationalist movement in pre-war Yugoslavia. The most serious challenge to the system during Tito's lifetime was probably the Croatian Spring or Mass Movement of the late 1960s, which was ended by the removal by Tito of most of the Croatian leadership in late 1971, and a parallel removal of accused nationalists in Serbia, Slovenia and Macedonia. (One of those jailed in Croatia during this period was the former partisan General Franjo Tudjman.) However, the system of control began to break down after Tito's death. Following Tito's death in 1980, tensions between Croatia and the Serb-dominated Yugoslav government worsened. When nationalist Croat politicians, notably Franjo Tudjman, advocated a reduction in ethnic Serb representation in the Croatian police, or argued that the number of victims at Jasenovac had been inflated, the Serbian press repeated and embellished such positions to prove to Serbs that Croatia was returning to the days of the Ustaše, and that Serbs had to take up arms to defend themselves. The fact that some of the new political figures did, in fact, advocate a positive view of the Ustaša movement made still easier the job of the Serb nationalists. By the time of Franjo Tudjman's 1990 election victory, most Serbs in rural areas appear to have been convinced that their lives were in danger. With continuing stalemate, word spread that Serbia's government was printing a massive amount of Yugoslav banknotes, without central government authorization. In this manner, Serbia was moving to undermine the economic program of the Federal Premier. There were other factors as well, but this may have been critical in Slovenia's decision unilaterally to declare independence on 25 June 1991. Once Slovenia left, the other opponents of Serbia would find themselves in a minority on the collective Presidency. If Tudjman had not in any case preferred independence, this incentive well might have moved him. In May, Croats voted by referendum in favour of independence and on 25 June 1991 Croatia declared its independence (as did Slovenia). On April 13, 1997, elections were held in east Slavonia (Vukovar area); these elections should conclude the reintegration of this part of Croatia (but still occupied by Serbian militias) into the republic.
Tito,
Josip Broz
(1892-1980), president of Yugoslavia, who established a Communist state
independent of the USSR after World War II, and later became a leader of the
nonaligned nations. Rise to Power: Tito served as a noncommissioned officer in the Austrian army during World War I. Wounded and taken prisoner by the Russians, he became a Bolshevik at the time of the Russian Revolution (1917), and after the war he returned to Croatia (which had become part of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, later renamed Yugoslavia) to work as an illegal Communist party organizer. After serving a prison term (1928-1934) and taking the name Tito as an alias, he went to Moscow to work for the Communist International (Comintern, later the Cominform). In 1937 the Comintern sent Tito back to Yugoslavia to purge the Communist party there. During this period he faithfully followed Comintern policy, criticizing Serbian domination of other Yugoslav nationalities and agitating for the breakup of the Yugoslav state. After Nazi Germany attacked both Yugoslavia and the USSR in 1941, Tito formed an all-Yugoslav Partisan force to resist the Germans and their Croatian Fascist allies. Tito primarily fought defensive battles when the Germans attacked him. In 1942 he formed a Communist-dominated provisional government, which brought him into conflict with the Chetniks, a Serbian resistance movement that favored the restoration of the prewar monarchy. After unsuccessful attempts to reconcile the rival groups, the Allies gave their support to Tito in 1944. By the end of 1945 the Germans were defeated, and the war-torn country was united, leaving Tito's government in full control. Without holding a referendum on whether to restore the monarchy or make Yugoslavia a republic, Tito set up a one-party dictatorship.
In 1953 the Croatian Tito married his fourth wife, Jovanka Budisavljevic, a young Serbian Partisan aide, in 1953, thus symbolically uniting two of the largest and most antagonistic nationalities of Yugoslavia. A partial reconciliation with the Soviet Union (1955) further enhanced Tito's prestige at home and abroad. Nevertheless, Yugoslavia's independence remained an irritant to the Soviet leaders and a challenge to their domination over Eastern Europe. Tito supported the Soviet policy of détente with the West, but protested against the USSR's invasions of Hungary (1956), Czechoslovakia (1968), and Afghanistan (1979). His independent stance preceded and influenced the Chinese, Albanian, and Euro communist challenges to Soviet supremacy in the Communist world. Tito died on May 4, 1980, in Ljubljana after a prolonged illness and was buried on the grounds of Tito's Museum in Belgrade. One of the last influential manipulators of postwar global power politics, Tito controlled Yugoslavia for 35 years. In foreign affairs he was a persistent promoter of détente, global nonalignment for the Third World, and pluralism within the international Communist movement. At home, he permitted some liberal reforms, but maintained the Communist party's monopoly of power. Tito's policies, however, encouraged separatist and nationalist tendencies among rival republics, which helped to sow the seeds for bloody civil war in the 1990s, some ten years after his death. Chronology
|
Copyright © 2000 Hađuk! Inc. All rights reserved. Questions or suggestions? Send us feedback. |