The term "Libyan" is a collective name applied for our convenience to the various inhabitants who resided in North Africa west of the Nile Valley (but not restricted to modern Libya), whose economy seems largely to have been based on nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralism (O'Connor 1990:30). The Egyptians of antiquity referred to these peoples and the land that they inhabited by a number of terms, of which the most regularly used in the New Kingdom were Tjemehu, Tjehenu, Meshwesh and Rebu (or Libu), each of whom were characteristically depicted (O'Connor 1990:47-57).
Tjemehu and Tjehenu were very ancient terms that originally referred to the inhabitants of the regions known as Tjemeh and Tjehnu, the former seemingly bordering the Nile Delta whilst the latter extended further southwards (Bates 1914:46-51; Kitchen 1990:16; O'Connor 1990:30; Vandersleyen 1998:1203). Whilst these terms did originally refer to certain specific areas, by the New Kingdom they seem to have become interchangeable and could be used as more generic terms that could be applied to the whole region west of the Delta, as far as Cyrenaica in modern Libya, and its population (O'Connor ibid.). For example, the Merenptah invasion text contains the line, "the land of Tjehnu came…and it consisted of Libu, Seped (a minor Libyan group) and Meshwesh…" (Peden 1994:13).
The Rebu and Meshwesh first appear in the 18th Dynasty, coming from somewhere to the west of the Tjemehu and Tjehenu. This is indicated by the records of the attempted invasions under Merenptah and in Ramesses III's year 11 that state these two groups descended upon the Tjehenu before reaching Egypt (Breasted 1906a:243; Peden 1994:41; O'Connor 1990:35). Exactly where to the west these groups might have originated is not clear. Because of their sudden appearance in the records, it has been suggested that they may have arrived in North Africa from a location far to the west or south-west (Kitchen 1990:16). However, they may well have been there all along. Their appearance may simply represent increased activity by these groups and/or a growing awareness of this region by the Egyptians.
O'Connor (1990:38) suggests that the Rebu and Meshwesh may have come from the region of Cyrenaica, a suggestion already made by early investigators, such as Bates (1914:51), though with no real evidence. To support this, O'Connor (ibid.) notes that in the Merenptah and Ramesses III war texts, both the Rebu and Meshwesh are accompanied by large herds of sheep, goat and cattle. It is only Cyrenaica locally that offers environmental conditions favourable to the raising of such herd-animals, as the practices of more recent inhabitants of the region demonstrate (Behnke 1980; Johnson 1973). Whilst the archaeological evidence that might support such a conclusion is lacking, it seems a feasible hypothesis.
Our archaeological knowledge of Late Bronze Age Libya and its relationship with its neighbours is virtually non-existent (Knapp 1981:258). What we know is almost entirely based on what was recorded by the ancient Egyptians.
For 600 years before the reign of Seti I there is no evidence of any conflict with the Libyans bar one possible battle in the vicinity of Kom el-Hisn, and a few generalised references to their smiting (Kitchen 1990:15, 1993:24; O'Connor 1987:36, 1990:36). The terms used on these occasions are Tjemehu and Tjehenu.
The term Meshwesh is first used in the reign of Amenhotep III, found upon jars containing the fat of "bulls of Meshwesh" (Kitchen 1990:16). Whilst this does not necessarily mean that the bulls or their fat were imported directly from the Meshwesh land (possibly they were simply of a type originally found here), it is significant in that it is the first use of this term. This indicates that the Egyptians were aware of the existence of this group, even though contact may have been indirect (Kitchen ibid.; O'Connor 1987:37). The earliest references to the Rebu are found at el-Alamein and Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham.
Surely it can be no coincidence that as these new groups appear in the records, hostility is increasingly evident between Egypt and her western neighbours. At Karnak, Seti I is shown conducting a campaign in the fourth or fifth year of his reign against Libyans who seem to be Meshwesh, although they are not so named (Davies 1997:21-25; Kitchen 1982:24, 1990:16-17; Wainwright 1962:89). Whilst few specific details of the conflict are apparent, that Seti devotes an entire register to it suggests that it was seen as significant (Kitchen 1990:17, 1993:23-24).
With the reign of Seti's son, Ramesses II, we see evidence that the Egyptians active for a 300km stretch along the Mediterranean coast, at least as far as Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham. Whilst the exact events surrounding the foundation of the coastal forts is not clear, as Kitchen (1990:18) points out, some degree of political and military control must have been held over the region that allowed their construction. It must also have been foreseen that this would continue to allow the future maintenance of the settlements.
There are no detailed accounts of Ramesses II undertaking military action against the Libyans, only generalised references to his conquering and crushing them (Kitchen 1990:17-18), which may or may not refer to specific events, otherwise unrecorded. It may be that some of the references, such as the Aswan Stela of his year 2, are harking back to Ramesses' presence on his father's Libyan campaigns (Kitchen 1990:18, 1999:208). Therefore, perhaps it was Seti I who achieved this proposed control over the region, and it was he who planned to establish the defences, in a manner similar to which he rebuilt those to the east, the Ways of Horus across Northern Sinai (click here for map or here for more details) (Oren 1987:70). Ultimately, however, maybe it was his son who oversaw the project's completion, which would fit in well with a construction date early in the reign of Ramesses II, as suggested by the use of the early form of his name found at Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham.
The various inscriptions from Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham and el-Alamein are noticeably concerned with the Libyans, and take a distinctly belligerent tone. It may be simplistic to suggest that this is evidence for an anti-Libyan role for the forts, but the simple and obvious need not necessarily be wrong.
If the western frontier fortresses were established to defend against a "Libyan" threat, it would seem unlikely that they were targeting the Tjemehu or Tjehenu, those groups closest to the border. Although relations were not always harmonious, it does not seem altogether probable that after so many conflict-free years they suddenly posed such a danger as to require such defences as seen at Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham or Kom el-Abqa'in. What's more, the Rebu and Meshwesh are described as attacking the Tjemehu and Tjehenu in the Merenptah and Ramesses III war inscriptions which suggests that they were not the principal threat in North Africa.
It seems more likely that, for whatever reason, early in the 19th Dynasty, the Rebu and/or Meshwesh suddenly appeared to threaten Egyptian security. As a response, the fortifications were established to prevent any future assault on Egypt's border. That the Egyptians were right to be wary was confirmed by the massed invasion forces, composed largely of Rebu and Meshwesh, which attacked Egypt during the reigns of Merenptah and Ramesses III.
A number of theories have been proposed as to why the Rebu and Meshwesh should suddenly pose a threat to Egypt. For example, the records of the invasion under Merenptah suggest that they were apparently suffering from a lack of food, stating that they had come to Egypt "to seek the necessities for their mouths" (Davies 1997:155-157). Some have suggested that this may have come about as a result of the movement of new population groups, perhaps the "Sea Peoples", into the Meshwesh/Rebu lands that led to pressure on resources and which ultimately forced them to seek out new pastures (Bates 1914:226-227; Kitchen 1990:20; O'Connor 1990:92-93). However, even if this was the case during the time of Merenptah, there is no such ready explanation for the attacks in the reign of Ramesses III.
Helck (1968:190) suggested that the "Sea Peoples" may actually have encouraged the Libyans to stage their first attack, but as they were not apparently part of the later invasions we need to look for another reason. One might be found in the record of the Ramesses III year 11 invasion. This describes how the Meshwesh were encouraged by the Rebu to undertake the attack, stating that the Meshwesh "listened to their counsel" and were now "upon the path of crime like them" (Bates 1914:223; Peden 1994:49). Maybe the Meshwesh were less aggressive, and even though they had been part of the earlier invasions, their role seems to have been more minor. But if the Rebu were the driving force behind these events, the question still remains as to what their motivation was.
An interesting theory is that proposed by O'Connor (1990:89-108). He argued that the Rebu and Meshwesh had reached a certain stage in their political and social development that led them to attempt to expand and settle into Egyptian territory. This would have been motivated by the desire of a developing elite to advance their status and to allow the exploitation of the conquered people and their land, which would also provide a base for the plundering of other nearby territory. That the Meshwesh and Rebu possessed such a stratified society as required by this model is illustrated in the records of Merenptah and Ramesses III, where their chiefs and systems of "government" can be discerned to a certain extent (O'Connor 1990:66-81, 103-106). Whilst this is a possible explanation for the increasing hostility displayed by certain sections of Libyan society in the Late Bronze Age, it is impossible to say why it occurred with certainty.
In conclusion, it seems that the proposed fortress chain was established by Ramesses II primarily in response to a newly emerging threat, possibly driven by the Rebu, but also including the Meshwesh. But whilst the Libyan threat may have been the most immediate, Ramesses II had had experience of the "Sea People's" hostility early in his reign and the forts may well have been intended to target both.
If this was their role, how exactly did the fortresses ensure Egypt's security?