ANARCHO-MARXISM
The Anti-Parliamentary Communist Federation is an Anarcho-Marxian organisation holding none of the prejudices which orthodox "Anarchists" and "Marxists" harbour towards each other. In its mission - to aid the workers to overthrow Capitalism and its watchdog the State - it draws its inspiration from Anarchists and Marxists alike. It admires and would emulate the ardour, courage and initiative suggested by names like Bakunin, Malatesta, Durutti - the brilliance and perseverance associated with Marx. On the other hand, it equally condemns irresponsibility - common to many "Anarchists' - and arrogance and intolerance common to so many "Marxists". Without prejudice but also without hero worship, we would synthesise from the best in the way of analysis, precept and practice, to which so many worthy pioneers and martyrs - Marxist and Anarchist included - have contributed their all. Our final aim is "the Abolition of the Wages System"; the end of all exploitative and authoritative society. With the inauguration of the Socialist Commonwealth with universal peace and plenty, there will ensue practically a Utopia on Earth, and the absence of all government of man by man.
THE PROBLEM: DECADENT CAPITALISM
(I) Capitalism, whether Private, Industrial, Financial, or State (or any combination of these) is the cause of poverty, disease, and pre-mature death for millions, with riches, indolence, extravagance and debauchery on the part of the privileged few. Divorced from the means of production, the workers are compelled to accept wage slavery. They must yield the entire product of their labour and accept in return a pittance corresponding, not to its value, but to an average subsistence wage.
The workers therefore have nothing in common with their exploiters. The class struggle - forced upon them - must continue until by the act of Social Revolution the workers make an end of all class society by abolishing the wages system once and for all.
FASCISM
(II) Fascism is but the last resource of degenerate Capitalism, wherein the outright violence, previously reserved mainly for the natives in colonies, "protectorates", etc, is practised on the home proletariat.
It receives a mass basis by recruiting the middle strata into anti-working class armies.
The so-called democratic countries, like Britain, France and the USA, all use fascist measures in their empire outposts. And now, under cover of the war danger, are perfecting a technique which, at the first real crisis, can parallel in its repression anything done in the Fascist countries. During the last war, the "treat-em-rough" measures used against the ~ pacifists and socialists, were fascist in all but name. Fascism must be opposed and exposed, but its parent, Capitalism, is the real enemy to be destroyed
IMPERIALIST WAR
(III) WAR is an atrocious evil, but like Fascism, is a consequence of Capitalism the murder, disease and horror of war are paralleled. On the industrial battlefield where the unnecessary diseases of industry, high accident rate and premature death is the corollary of the scramble for profits Improvements have taken place, it is true, but only because of mass pressure, or because it was found to be "bad business to kill the geese that lay the golden eggs - the workers
War has its roots in Capitalism, and the difference between aggression and defence is the difference between the burglar with the swag (Empire, etc) and the thief or "hijacker" out to relieve him of some of the booty. The Versailles Treaty was equal in its vindictive and brutal extortion of the helpless German people, to any action of their vile militarists. And the callous blockade of Austria and Germany, etc, carried out for months during the "armistice" period illustrates the mentality of the Capitalist "Statesmen" when they are drunk with power. Assisted by the vacillations of the "socialists", they thus paved the way for Hitler and helped to create the Frankenstein monster of Fascism. Though a potential danger to themselves, they have subsidised and fed it - to keep the workers of Europe from successfully raising the standard of revolt. Now, in order to defend the last remnants of their iniquitous "peace", they expect their docile "hands" to become even more obedient "cannon fodder". The Pygmalion retort is the only fitting rejoinder to this insolent demand.
CONSCRIPTION
Our rulers in their hatred and fear of Russia (which, though not a Socialist Republic, is still too anti-capitalist to suit high finance) deliberately betrayed their Czech allies. Fearful of a Socialist Italy or Germany, they have repeatedly propped up Hitler and Mussolini.
Finally, they callously abetted the assassination of Republican Spain to prevent its development along Revolutionary Socialist lines. Now, their Axis rivals immeasurably stronger as a result of their own policy, they Conscript the men of 20-21 to fill the gaps in their balance of forces. And the labour movement took this last insult lying down.' The young men should have been encouraged to boycott the register. The entire labour movement should have backed them up with a general protest strike - however short - to indicate the taking up of the insolent challenge to the workers. The crisis is theirs and they should have been left to face it. The business of a real labour movement is to destroy Capitalism and Imperialism: not to fight for it - or to make others do the fighting.
THE SOLUTION LIBERTARIAN SOCIALISM
(I)Since "all else is Illusion", a Workers' Socialist Industrial Republic is the only hope of the proletariat. The means of wealth production and exchange, once under the control of the workers, we can have virtually a millennium on Earth. Just consider the immense untapped reservoirs for the production of almost unlimited supplies of every imaginable form of useful wealth. Think of the scores of millions of unemployed, not forgetting the useless drones at the top of the social ladder. Estimate also the millions of officials, attendants, whose potentially valuable time is wasted under this system. Consider the wealth that could be created by the huge army of needless advertising agents, commercial travellers, club-men, shop-walkers, etc, not to mention the colossal army of police, lawyers, judges, clerks, who are ONLY "NECESSARY" UNDER CAPITALISM: Add now the scandalous waste of labour involved in the military machine: soldiers, airmen, navymen, officers, generals, admirals, etc. Add, also, the terrific consumption of energy in the manufacture of armaments of all kinds that is weighing down the productive machine. Properly used, these boundless supplies of potential wealth-creating energy could ensure ample for all - not excluding "luxuries" - together with a ridiculously short working day. Likewise, there would be pleasant conditions of labour, and recreation and holidays on a scale now only enjoyed by the rich.'
THE CLASS STATE (Government)
(II)THE STATE - engine of class rule - is used by the Capitalist Class to keep the workers in subjection. The Chattel System and Feudalism also required the oppressive State. But Socialism, being a class-less form of society wherein no one is exploited, requires no government of man by man, and the State can disappear for ever into the limbo of the dead past.
NATIONALISM
III)With the reorganisation of society on the basis of useful production, and the disappearance of the State, National and Colour fears, prejudices and hatreds will quickly disappear, many of them having been wiped out prior to the Revolution. The ever-increasing annihilation of Space, by means of radio, television, 'plane, and the all round quickening and extension of means of inter-communication will spread the healing balm of education, sport, science, and culture to every corner of the globe. International collaboration and co-ordination will destroy the remaining legacies consequent on decades of capitalist competition and war. Industrial "parliaments of the world" will wipe out all such evils quite naturally without the aid of any special pleading such as is indulged in today by religious and other quacks.
RELIGION AND SUPERSTITION
(IV)Fast on the heels of racial and national prejudices and fears, will follow the religious and other superstitions that have hitherto cursed and beclouded the mind of man. Economic and social justice obtaining here on earth, there will no longer be any excuse for the illusory substitute, "pie in the sky". Not in all the realms of fantasy, but on the bedrock of economic interest and mutual aid and usefulness, will be based the new social order to which have aspired however limited their vision - all the most far-seeing, courageous and "inspired" men of every age and clime. The ideal "do to others as you would have them do to you" - the basic moral appeal of all religions - will at last be realisable, not because mankind will suddenly become saints, but because they are no longer compelled by economic circumstance, to be "sinners". At last will be possible - because practicable - the precept "from each according to his ability; to each according to his need", and "Each for all and all for each":
TACTICS TOWARDS THE SOCIALIST GOAL
Before outlining our view of the tactics to be used to achieve the goal of Socialism, let us first examine several of the alternatives propounded by others, to expose their basic weaknesses.
CO-OPERATION
I)The fundamental flaw in all Co-operative schemes is that the CONSUMER - who is often but a parasite - and not the PRODUCER, is catered for. This can be seen at a glance by referring to Co-operative advertising. Products are eulogised that few workers can afford to buy - like the magnificent electric appliances displayed in the Municipal show-windows. Again, Co-operative institutions all pay tribute to the Capitalist State, the landlords and the financial sharks. They operate on the wages system and their workers, like the rest of the proletariat, are exploited at the point of production. The Co-op bureaucrats are often as ruthless and exacting as private employers, hence the apparently contradictory fact that workers are compelled to go on strike to enforce even reformist demands against the same economic overlordship that typifies Capitalism in general
TRADE UNIONISM
(II)Labour-power being a commodity under Capitalism, the worker must try to get the best price (wages) he can. He cannot fight the boss alone, hence the formation of Trade Unions in a feeble attempt to parry the blows of Capitalism. But the unions were formed on a craft basis and only around the commodity - not the Class - struggle. With the development of trustified Capitalism, Trade Unionism is now lacking Sensing their inability to successfully challenge Capitalism - except by risking their all - the leaders have one over to class-collaboration and have "dug themselves in" for the duration of the system. They are now only concerned with maintaining their own status and are not interested in the class struggle. To them the word Socialism is only a platitude.
INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM
(III)Many workers, sickened and in disgust at their trade union mis-leaders, are seeking in Industrial Unionism, a new weapon of struggle. It must be stressed, however, that Industrial Unionism can also be purely reformist - like the NUR here and the much-boosted CIO in America. These accept in practice - though they may qualify this acceptance in their dead letter preambles - the system of Capitalism. Noisy John L. Lewis goes out of his way to accept the system of production for a "fair"' profit. Again, how can Industrial Unionism grapple with the armament or the luxury industries from a class struggle standpoint?
SOCIALIST INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM
(IV)Realising the force of the above criticisms we now have the advocacy of SOCIALIST Industrial Unionism. But the power of the Capitalist propaganda press, pulpit, etc makes the growth of such unions on a practicable scale impossible until we arrive at a period of deep economic crisis such as 1926, when the workers become drawn into the struggle in spite of themselves. While the advocacy of Socialist Industrial Unionism does no harm, the practical realisation of even an approximation of this laudable objective will not take place until the eve of Revolution. Even then, the form will probably be the Workers' Councils of Action or Strike Committees embracing also the Unemployed workers.
DIRECT ACTION
(V)Much has been advocated from time to time in the way of Direct Action, but like Industrial Unionism, it is usually - though a step in the right direction - mainly reformist. Direct Action is useful practice for the proletariat, and tests the calibre of delegates, etc. But we must make it clear that revolutionary Direct Action is the ultimate objective, if we are to cease chasing the tail of Reformism.
INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD
(VI)We have also much in common with our comrades of the Industrial Workers of the World. They often meet gangster Capitalism with its own weapons. This is understandable and justifiable. But the real object should not he mere reforms by destructive methods. When the commodity struggle is superseded by the class struggle for the destruction, not of wealth, but the power of the rulers, then "ca' canny1', sabotage, etc, will no longer be necessary. Under Socialism we must produce as much, not as little, as possible, for the product will return to the workers.
The danger, in attempting to set up large organisations this side of the Revolution, is that Reform replaces Socialist objectives, the quantative supplants the qualitative.
PARLIAMENTARISM
(I)We are anti-Parliamentarian, because parliamentarism is anti-working class and anti-Socialist. The worker, who sees beyond economic reformism, should likewise dismiss the trickery, insincerity and futility of the bourgeois antidemocratic parliament.
It should be noted in passing, that all parliamentary measures that have ever conceded anything to the workers, were the result of outside pressure, demonstrational, insurrectional or industrial. Our rulers concede when they are compelled to. Sops are thrown to quieten the awakening giant of Labour - to lull him back to sleep.
The SPGB claim that Parliament is not a gas house, but a Power House.
This is a half-truth that results in a delusion. Even for Capitalist purposes, Parliament is more and more being "consulted" after the event; when irretraceable steps have been taken by our own particular type of Fuhrer in conjunction, of course, with the financial powers behind the scenes. But the main point to recognise is that the State draws its sustenance from taxation, that is, from the ruling class. Is it conceivable, then, that these people - as an entire class - would finance a genuinely revolutionary parliament, elected expressly to dispossess them? Surely Franco supplies the answer to such a childish notion?
Out of the profits wrung from the workers, the ruling class finances the Army, Navy, Air Force, Civil Service, etc. If a revolutionary electorate after overcoming the handicap of a corrupt press, controlled wireless, pulpit propaganda, plural voting, etc, elected a Socialist (not a reformist) majority, our Winston Churchills, supported by our British Noskes and Kerenskys, would find a method to declare such a majority "unconstitutional". Behind a suitable puppet, there would be instituted a Plutocratic dictatorship operating via Orders in Council, EPA, etc.
We do not say they would succeed in their plan to smash the workers; they would fail. But they will only fail in proportion as the workers learn in time that they can rely only on their own industrial and social strength outside of parliament - in the street, factory, workshop, mine, railway, etc. And when the workers send out the call as a class and not as a section - they will be supported in every barrack and every military establishment.
PARLIAMENT AS A "SHIELD"
(II)Many socialists agree that Socialism can never be achieved via parliament, but argue, like the SLP, that the Political weapon can be used as a shield to protect the rising industrial organisation necessary for the inauguration of Socialism. This seems strange logic. How can the non-substantial "weapon" protect the real - the only powerful weapon of direct industrial, etc, action? And are the Capitalists so easily hoodwinked? If our final weapon is extra-parliamentary, let us use ALL our resources of propaganda developing it, and not fritter time and substance on shadows.
AS A "SOUNDING BOARD"
(III)It is also alleged that parliament can be used as a revolutionary sounding board. Leaving aside the fact that parliament tends to act as a lightning arrester, and that few genuine revolutionaries could stomach the necessary preliminaries (such as oath-taking, kow-towing procedure, etc) if the speeches ARE revolutionary, who is going to report them? The Capitalist Press? Surely this is expecting too much If you reply, the Socialist Press, then obviously that press can print propaganda and report speeches made in a better place - the street corner or the workshop gate. Instead of appealing to the "Executive committee" of the Capitalist class, our revolutionists - they are all too few - are urgently needed at the points of contact with the workers, there to help generate the only force that will finally be of any use.
TOWARDS WORKERS' SOVIETS
WHAT WE ADVOCATE
THE "DAY TO DAY STRUGGLE"
A
lthough against mere reforms and excluding them from our own programme, we are willing to give the workers every assistance we can when they are in combat with the capitalist. Whatever their demands are, they are of necessity less than justice; in that sense the workers are always more than right, and should be supported without question.
(I) Workers' all-in Soviets or Councils of Action are the only democratic organs capable of facing up to the problems ahead.There the right of recall can operate and will prepare the way for the workers themselves to bring about their emancipation.
As the T.U bureaucrats more and more refuse to countenance even reformist strikes the workers are compelled to act unofficially. For aid in their need, they can turn only to such allies as workers in the same plant or industry. Hence the weapons likely to be used are: (a) The industrial direct action strike; (b)The supporting Sympathetic Strike, fought, not for a long period on funds, but for a shorter period and on a bigger scale on SOLIDARITY; (c)The Stay-in Strike, as widespread and general as possible.
Even if repeatedly defeated, the permanent crisis of capitalism leaves the workers with no alternative. Sooner or later, by such training, they must pass to the ATTACK and destroy the coercive power of the ruling class. In another 1926, the issue must become a challenge for power. The workers, united as a class, can defeat Capitalism once and for all and form a Workers' Socialist Industrial Republic. Though our masters try to use sections (whether in uniform or not) against the mass, they can be defeated by universal solidarity. Those who attempt to force us back into submission will have to be met with the same argument, plus intensive anti-militarist anti-capitalist propaganda.
Once Capitalism is overthrown, these soviets, Councils, Syndicates, or Industrial Unions - the label does not matter much - allow the workers to control production on the job - the only real democracy. They will adapt themselves to the new requirements and must be thoroughly co-ordinated to prevent waste.
THE TRANSITION STAGE
(II) Around the factories and workshops there must be set up Workers' Militias to defend the conquests of the people, until it is certain that no counter-revolution is possible. These Workers' Red Guards should be organised like the famous Durutti Columns, not on a militarist, but on a basis of strict voluntary discipline. In co-ordination, these will form, not a repressive ruling class state for oppression, but a purely defensive weapon to guarantee freedom from sabotage or pro-capitalist restorations. When the erstwhile rulers1 now turned useful citizens, have definitely thrown up the sponge, then this defensive workers' State - if our Anarchist friends will excuse the term - will have no further function. It will WITHER AWAY as it ceases to be necessary', and its members return to useful employment Classless, Stateless, human society will have replaced all robbery, all government, all oppression. Mankind will be free.
OUR REVOLUTIONARY BIGOTS
Many good comrades, who believe essentially in the foregoing, are divided into competing, uncoordinated parties this is to be deplored. It comes partly out of the material interests that arise because we are subject to capitalist limitation, geographical, language, etc. It is also due to differences in principle. These differences, however, are often more imaginary than real; more of terminology and angle, rather than substance. Unconscious egotism also operates and leads to the obsession that unless they lead, the proletariat must of necessity go wrong! Just as there are hundreds of "religions" and several interpretations of Christianity, so do we have innumerable brands of Marxism and Anarchism. It would be amusing, if it were not tragic.' Consider, for instance, the numerous groups in America who believe they are the only genuine forerunners of the new Fourth International - the only true vanguard!
THE REVOLUTIONARY VANGUARD
We also believe we have the most correct position, but we are dialectical enough to salute other groups. Though in error on this point or that, we recognise that they are, on the whole, doing as much - or even more for Socialism as we are. Again, who is the infallible judge as to who is the most correct? What party can honestly say it has always and on ALL questions been right; that can guarantee in the future to be like-wise correct?
It is sheer Utopianism to imagine that any one party, however "correct", will ever have in its ranks ALL the BEST elements in the working class. Apart from that Capitalism will not allow the time for even an approximation of that state of affairs.
WORKERS' REVOLUTIONARY ALLIANCE
Instead of numerous competing bodies all playacting at being THE vanguard, let us realise we must pool our experience, abilities, and our resources in a Revolutionary Alliance. We can thus develop a greater POTENTIAL Vanguard that will be able to make the best use of the crisis when it comes.
We oppose the conception of a single party "leading" or dictating to the workers this way lies bureaucracy and dictatorship. Instead of struggling for supremacy, revolutionary parties should aim as far as possible at complete liquidation into the workers' soviets, where they can advance their policies by courage, initiative and example. Practical, instead of abstract problems, will be on the order of the day, and the best solutions, irrespective of who advocates them, should be adopted without prejudice. We will find, in practice, that the Vanguard interpenetrates and overlaps all existing parties; and that workers, previously of no party at all, are able to contribute in a surprising degree and to overshadow many who were previously considered as indispensable and of the elite:
(June-July 1939)
Back to the Introduction to Part One
Get your own Free Home Page