Steps toward a Pedagogy of Tactics
Colin Lankshear and Michele
Knobel
Keynote paper prepared for the
National Council of English Teachers’ Assembly for Research
Mid-Winter Conference.
New York, February 22-24,
2002
Introduction
Having never said anything especially new
or original in our academic lives, we don’t propose to try and do so
today. One of us is too old and, besides, it is too late in the day.
On the other hand, there are many things other people
have said that once were new and original, and that are worth
remembering today. We want to gather some of them here. These are
ideas relevant to describing a broad orientation
toward curriculum and pedagogy we think has come into its time
(again). We will try to provide as many concrete and detailed
examples as we can of the kinds of specific ideas and practices we
have in mind, although our main concern today is with the broad
orientation. This is an orientation that draws on what Michel de
Certeau (1984) calls uses and tactics of consumers.
As a crude paraphrasing it has been said
that ‘history is written by the winners’. So, for the most part, are
curriculum and pedagogy so far as they pertain to the formal
educational work of schools. They are designed and written from the
standpoint of what counts as succeeding within dominant Discourses –
as we all know. But while we all know this, it is easy to forget it
in the hurly burly of classroom life. Although we have it paraded
before us almost constantly, it is also easy to forget that most of
the world’s population live outside the
representations of what it is to know and do and be (in effective and
successful ways) that are peddled by curriculum designers and
pedagogical experts. This is true whether ‘success’ and
‘effectiveness’ are seen in terms of individual benefit and advancement/development, or from the
standpoint of benefits to private and public corporations
moved by performativity and profit, or, as in the case of social and
economic elites, from the standpoint of both.
The evidence being amassed daily is that
in a world increasingly moved by forces from Washington DC and other
client capitals and centres toward global corporate christian
capitalism, the ranks of ‘Winners’ (defined in ‘official’ terms) will
continue to shrink. This means that from the standpoint of
individuals, ‘success’ and ‘effectiveness’ will increasingly
be defined, by default, in terms of the capacity to serve
their (global, corporate, christian) interests, by
performing in ways that benefit these interests—albeit, with whatever
social rewards may trickle down to the performers. Of course, there
is nothing new in this. It is just that the scale is becoming
increasingly global, the scene is becoming more obscenely
militaristic, classrooms are becoming more culturally diverse than
ever before, and policymakers and Ed Inc. are turning the screws
harder and tighter than ever before. And all the while we are
informed and encouraged by a model that asks us to ‘put in’ to
learners the things deemed constitutive of success.
The broad orientation we want to take
today is that we should by looking ever more intently to find ways of
‘drawing out’ and encouraging the development of certain things
learners already know and enact. These are things that have the
capacity to resist and subvert, to prey upon, spoof and exploit, and
– en masse – to gradually wear away at the world according to those
whom de Certeau calls ‘Producers’. This is the world that is
incorporated within ‘state interventions’ like the disciplined order
of compulsory mass schooling.
The dedication of educational work,
mediated by curriculum and pedagogy, to the predilections of winners
is often very well understood by the young, in ways we can easily
forget as we climb various ladders associated with winning. In the
words of Dishwasher
Pete'; return true"
OnMouseOut="window.status=' '; return true">Dishwasher
Pete, the first among the motley
cast of characters and ‘bad examples’ we want to draw upon
today:
No matter how poor you are,
you’re expected to pretend that someday you’ll be a doctor. Every
year the nuns at our school would ask, ‘What are you going to be when
you grow up?’ Destitute kids would get up and crow about how they
were going to be some great lawyer—this is what you were
supposed to say. I would always say I wanted to be a house
painter, because I remembered watching one with a paintbrush in one
hand, a sandwich in the other, his transistor radio playing while he
sat on a plank brushing away in the sun. I thought, ‘That’s the job
for me—I could do that!’ The nuns were never happy when they heard
this: ‘A house painter?! Are you sure you don’t want to be a doctor?’
No, ma’am’ (original emphasis; in conversation with Vale 1997:
8).
We will return briefly a little later to
Dishwasher Pete, but in the meantime we just want to note that he
embodies in many ways the logic of tactics and uses that we want to
dwell on. Here we have someone whose counter-cultural work was so off
beat and became so well known that he was invited to be a guest on
the David Letterman show. In this capacity he was able to score a
direct hit on the show’s credibility by having a friend impersonate
him as the guest – to the chagrin of Pete supporters who beset
Letterman’s staff with letters of derision and complaint. This,
however, is by no means his major achievement. Rather, it is merely
symptomatic of it.
Two sides of power
In volume 1 of The Practice of Everyday Life (1984), de Certeau introduces his interest in the
uses and tactics of consumers in relation to Foucault’s work in
Discipline and
Punish on the microphysics of
power. He notes (1984: xiv) that Foucault takes a different approach
to analyzing institutional power from the then prevailing approach,
which focused on ‘the apparatus exercising power’. Rather, Foucault
investigated the ‘microphysics of power’: minute, detailed technical
mechanisms and procedures through which discursive spaces are
redistributed as a ‘generalized "discipline" (surveillance)’
that regulated those subject to it (ibid). de Certeau makes two
points that from which he can distinguish his own approach from
Foucault’s.
First, in terms we will look at in more
depth shortly, de Certeau observes that Foucault’s approach, like its
predecessors, maintains a focus on ‘the productive
apparatus’ that ‘produces the
discipline’ (ibid: italics mine). That is, he investigates power from
the perspective of its production – as effected by Producers.
Foucault’s approach examines what those who, in myriad ways, shape,
manipulate, reinforce and maintain sociotechnical means of diffusing
power through a system as ‘discipline’ do, and
how they do it (even if the ‘theys’ are to a large
extent anonymous and heavily disguised in their day to day
enactments). Foucault’s is not an analysis from the point or
perspective of reception, and
of how people respond to the
techniques of discipline to which they are subjected. Second, de
Certeau claims that under contemporary conditions, when the grid of
discipline is ‘everywhere becoming clearer and more extensive’, it
becomes increasingly urgent to explore ‘how an entire society resists
being reduced to it’. What are the equally minute and everyday
procedures used by ordinary people that ‘manipulate the mechanisms of
discipline’ and that conform to these mechanisms ‘only in order to
evade them’? (ibid).
On this basis, de Certeau identifies his
own approach as being simultaneously ‘analogous’ and ‘contrary’ to
Foucault’s. It is analogous in the sense that it aims to identify and
analyze the minute operations of consumers that ‘proliferate within
technocratic structures and [deflect] their functioning by means of a
multitude of "tactics" articulated in the details of everyday life’
(ibid). Importantly, de Certeau’s approach is contrary to Foucault’s
in the sense that he does not aim to show how ‘the violence of order
is transmuted into a disciplinary technology’ through the
machinations of Producers. Instead, he wants to uncover ‘the
clandestine forms’ that are taken by the ‘dispersed, tactical, and
makeshift creativity’ of people who are already ‘caught in the nets
of "discipline" ’ (ibid: xiv-xv). He sees these as ultimately
composing ‘the network of an antidiscipline’, wherein ordinary people
evade the sociotechnical mechanisms of disciplinary regimes in their
efforts to ‘make do’: to get the best ‘wins’ they can.
We think it is easy enough to see why de
Certeau’s approach has been overshadowed by Foucault’s and, to the
same extent, needs to be given a longer look. Our view here is that
the people who get to take up Foucault and apply the theory to
education (and beyond) are themselves typically Producers in de
Certeau’s sense of the term. They/we are interested in how power
works from the standpoint of operating
power – even if, in many cases, this is with a will to try and help
orchestrate a few ‘wins’ on the part of others. Producers, by
definition, are less directly acquainted with the responses of
Consumers, and are too involved in Producing for the option of
looking at Consumer operations to be seriously ‘available’ to them.
This is parallel to a tendency within, say, critical literacy, for
literacy theorists to spend time and energy developing techniques to
be used to analyse texts critically, as distinct from concentrating
on what consumers of texts actually do with the
artifacts they consume and how they do
it.
Producers and consumers: Classes and
logics
de Certeau develops a conceptual
framework based on distinctions between producers and consumers, and
strategies, uses and tactics. Producers (the strong) are those who
create and maintain and impose disciplined spaces. They have the
position and power to prescribe social orders and syntactical forms
(discourses, timetables, procedures, the organization of space and
things within it, etc.). Producers include governments, urban
planners, corporations, professional associations, legislatures,
private utilities companies, scholarly and academic leaders,
executives, and so on. Producers, in effect, shape dominant social
structures. Consumers, on the other hand, are constrained to operate
within these disciplined spaces or structures. (Of course, producers
in one context are to some extent consumers in others, albeit
typically consumers with greater power to negotiate these spaces than
‘everyday people’). Thus, for example, inhabitants of government
housing consume what has been produced for them—as do users of public
transport and road networks, students, prisoners, and purchasers of
diverse goods and services and media available on the market.
Consumers are always and inevitably constrained by what producers
serve up as disciplined discursive spaces, and the commodities
attaching to these. In the final analysis, the ‘productions’ of
producers are not ultimately the commodities
they serve up (although they include these) so much as discursive
orders that define, regulate, and constrain forms of social practice.
The commodities per
se are embodied representations
or instantiations of the defined and regulated spaces, in which
people do and be.
In the case of education as disciplined
space, learners are Consumers. So are their families and, to a large
extent, the communities schools serve. And so, in many ways, are
teachers, although they are enlisted in the disciplinary operations
of the Producers. They mediate surveillance and, at the same time,
are themselves ‘surveilled’. For this reason they have divided and
complicated interests. Like learners, however, they also have to find
ways to smooth out the habitat with respect to how the disciplinary
order imposes itself on them as well. This divided interest and
ambiguity in the location of teachers lends force, we would suggest,
to the significance of developing a pedagogy of tactics as a viable
response to contemporary and (foreseeable) future politics of
education.
Strategies, Uses and
Tactics
The distinction between ‘strategies’ and
‘uses and tactics’ aligns with that between producers and consumers.
Strategy, according to de Certeau, is an art of the powerful – of
producers. These ‘subjects of will and power’ operate from their own
place (a ‘proper’) which they have defined as their base for
controlling and managing relations. This place (or ‘proper’) is an
enclosed institutional space within which producers regulate
distributions and procedures, and which has ‘an exteriority comprised
of targets or threats’ (de Certeau 1984: 36). For example,
professional scientists define what counts as doing science, build
science faculties to police apprenticeships to science, and regulate
who can receive qualifications and tickets to practise as scientists.
The justice system defines the conditions under which convicted
prisoners will live. Education departments regulate what students may
and must acquire as formal education and how they must perform in
order to be certified as successful, and so on. Strategy operates on
the basis of a logic of closure and internal administration (Buchanan
1993 http://wwwmcc.murdoch.edu.au/
ReadingRoom/litserv/SPAN/36/Jabba.html ). ‘Strategy equals the institutional’, says Ian
Buchanan, and is the force ‘institutions must exact in order to
remain institutions’ (1993: n.p.). Hence, the strategic ‘can never
relax its vigilance, the surveillance of its parameters must be
ceaseless. The strong must protect themselves and their institutions
from the weak’ (ibid.).
For de Certeau (1984), ‘uses’ and
‘tactics’ are arts of the weak, by means of which the weak make
disciplined spaces ‘smooth’ and ‘habitable’ through forms of
occupancy. Through uses and tactics consumers obtain ‘wins’ within
their practices of everyday life. de Certeau illustrates ‘uses’ by
reference to North African migrants being obliged to live in a
low-income housing estate in France and to use the French of, say,
Paris or Robaix. They may insinuate into the system imposed on them
‘the ways of "dwelling" (in a house or in a language) peculiar to
[their] native Kabylia’ (ibid.: 30). This introduces a degree of
plurality into the system. Similarly, the indigenous peoples of Latin
America often used
the laws, practices, and
representations imposed on them … to ends other than those of their
conquerors … subverting them from within … by many different ways of
using them in the service of rules, customs or convictions foreign to
the colonization which they could not escape (de Certeau 1984:
32).
‘Tactics’, on the other hand, involve the
art of ‘pulling tricks’ through having a sense of opportunities
presented by a particular occasion – possibly only a literal moment –
within a repressive context created strategically by the powerful.
Through uses and tactics ‘the place of the dominant is made available
to the dominated’ (Buchanan 1993: n.p.). According to de Certeau, a
tactic is
a calculated action
determined by the absence of a proper locus ...The space of a tactic
is the space of the other. Thus it must play on and with a terrain
imposed on it and organized by the law of a foreign power. It does
not have the means to keep to
itself, at a distance, in a
position of withdrawal, foresight, and self-collection: it is a
maneuver "within the enemy's field of vision" ... and within enemy
territory. It does not, therefore, have the option of planning,
general strategy ... It operates in isolated actions, blow by blow.
It takes advantage of opportunities and depends on them, being
without any base where it could stockpile its winnings, build up its
own position, and plan raids ... This nowhere gives a tactic
mobility, to be sure, but a mobility that must accept the chance
offerings of the moment, and seize on the wing the possibilities that
offer themselves at any given moment. It must vigilantly make use of
the cracks that particular conjunctions open in the surveillance of
proprietary powers. It poaches them. It creates surprises in them ...
It is a guileful ruse (original emphasis; 1984: 37).
Buchanan helps clarify what is at stake
here by distinguishing between ‘place’ and ‘space.’ Buchanan
construes ‘place’ as the ‘proper’ of the strategy of the powerful.
Place is ‘dominated space’ (Lefevbre) or ‘disciplined space’
(Foucault). Space, on the other hand, is used by Buchanan to refer to
appropriated space. Tactics, says Buchanan, are means by which
consumers convert places into spaces. In this, consumers employ
tactics like ‘bricolage’ and ‘perruque’ to ‘make do’ by ‘constantly
manipulating events in order to turn them into "opportunities" ’ (de
Certeau 1984: xviii). Very ordinary examples of tactics include
stretching one’s pay packet to allow for a few ‘luxuries’ every now
and then, producing a dinner party out of a few simple and available
ingredients, inventing words on the spur of the moment, and so
on.
de Certeau’s description of a tactic he
calls ‘la perruque’ (as it is known in France) is useful for helping
us to capture the operating logic of ‘tactics’ in concrete ways that
can help us identify and respond creatively and constructively to
learner tactics employed under classroom conditions. This is a
worker’s own work disguised as work for the employer. The person is
‘on the job’ and they are not stealing or pilfering in any legal
sense. Examples include a secretary ‘writing a love letter on
"company time" or …. [a cabinet maker] "borrowing" a lathe to make a
piece of furniture for his living room’ (ibid: 25).
The worker who indulges in
la perruque actually diverts time [and not goods since, at
most, scraps are used] … for work that is free, creative, and
precisely not directed toward profit. In the very place where the
machine [s/he] must serve reigns supreme, [s/he] cunningly takes
pleasure in finding a way to create gratuitous products whose sole
purpose is to signify [her or] his own capabilities through … work
and to confirm …. solidarity with other workers or … family through
spending [her or] his time in this way. With the complicity
of other workers (who thus defeat the competition the factory tries
to instill among them, [s/he] succeeds in "putting one over" on the
established order on its home ground (ibid: 25-26).
de Certeau thinks of consumers’ everyday
creativity in terms of trajectories that can be mapped as a dynamic
tracing of temporal events and acts (the precise obverse of passive
receiving and absorbing). ‘In the technocratically constructed,
written, and functionalized space in which consumers move about
[i.e., the place of producers and their productions], their
trajectories form unforeseeable sentences, partly unreadable paths
across a space’ (1984: xviii). These trajectories, or transcriptions
of everyday ways of operating, ‘trace out the ruses of other
interests and desires that are neither determined nor captured by the
systems in which they develop’ (ibid.).
On ‘state interventions’ and
‘bricolage’
Bricolage refers to the ‘artisan-like
inventiveness’ of consumers’ everyday practices whereby they use
whatever comes to hand in carrying out these practices. de Certeau
refers to bricolage as ‘poetic ways of "making do" ’ (ibid: xv, 66),
and as ‘mixtures of rituals and makeshifts’ (ibid: xvi). He
celebrates the bricolage-like practices of consumers as they go about
their everyday lives. Such bricolages are often extraordinarily
ordinary, yet underwrite effective modes of living and being on
unfriendly terrain.
The life of a community, for
example, is made from the harvest of miniscule observations, a sum of
microinformation being compared, verified, and exchanged in daily
conversations among the inhabitants who refer to both the past and to
the future of this space. As an old lady who lives in the center of
Paris leads her life:
Every afternoon she goes out
for a walk that ends at sunset and that never goes beyond the
boundaries of her universe: the Seine in the south, the stock market
to the west, the Place de la R¾ publique to the east … She knows
everything about the caf¾ s on the boulevard, the comparative
prices, the age of the clients and the time that they spend there,
the lives of the waiters, the rhythm and style of people circulating
and meeting each other. She knows the price and the quality of the
restaurants in which she will never lift a fork [P¾ tonnet 1982;
see also Mayol 1994].
The daily murmur of this secret
creativity furnishes her necessary foundation and is her only chance
of success in any state intervention (de Certeau et al 1997:
96).
If we think here in terms of official
forms of curriculum and pedagogy, we can view them as integral
components of the educational order as a
state intervention. For the increasing majority of learners
compulsorily enrolled in our schools, their prospects of ‘success’ in
terms that equate to lifting a fork in the restaurant resemble those
of the old lady on her walk.
The potential of tactical
logic
Buchanan notes that theorists often see
strategy and tactics as oppositional terms, and thereby assume that
de Certeau’s approach belongs to a weaker category of resistance
(Buchanan 1993). In other words, it is often thought that tactics are
merely ‘reactive forces, a practice of response’ (ibid.: n.p.).
Buchanan notes that, on the contrary, tactics ‘define the limits of
strategy’ and force ‘the strategic to respond to the tactical.’
Hence, tactics contain an active as well as a reactive dimension. So,
for example, prisoners (what they do and how they be) determine the
level of security required in a given prison. Users of non-standard
Englishes determine the degree of policing needed on behalf of
standard English. Zinesters help to determine the degree of diversity
required in establishment publisher lists. In a context where tactics
are strong, healthy, many and pervasive, the fact that the strategic
machines are always one step behind when they need to be one step
ahead becomes apparent (ibid.). The situation could become stressful
for producers. Could ‘armies’ of tacticians up the ante to the point
where strategies pop? Our hunch is that it is worth testing this
out.
There are classic historical examples of
the potential efficacy of tactics with respect to wearing down a much
more powerful enemy. Most dramatically and graphically, perhaps,
these examples include the Vietcong under the leadership of Ho Chi
Minh. With their homeland reduced to the status of enemy terrain, and
up against the most sophisticated and costly military hardware and
training available on the planet, homegrown local knowledge and
tactical savvy were most of what the Vietcong had to work with.
Perhaps more readily accessible examples of classic historical cases
of cumulative tactics forcing some change on the part of Producers
include tactical movements associated with Mahatma Gandhi and Martin
Luther King. Given the current and foreseeable stakes involved in
compulsory formal education and the everyday worlds beyond, we
believe educators have a duty to attend
to learners’ tactics and uses. Educators should respond to the
tactics and uses employed by the learners in their care. They should
do this in ways that will serve young people well in negotiating and,
perhaps, gradually wearing down strategically produced orders of
social practice they face in their everyday lives as learners now and
will face as citizens later.
Two sides of uses and
tactics
de Certeau’s accounts of uses and tactics
reveal two sides, although these are not necessarily both present in
each instance. One side is captured by his concept of ‘making do’.
This is the idea of employing makeshift creativity to get sufficient
small wins to smooth out the habitat and make it more livable. It is
about obtaining some satisfactions, pleasures, and ‘peace’ that help
to infuse meaning into everyday experiences and routines. This is the
sustaining side of uses and tactics. The other side is captured in de
Certeau’s notions of resistance and of ‘putting one over on the
established order on its home ground’. This is a more active or, in
some cases, activist, side of uses and tactics. It is about
resisting, tackling, wearing away at Producer culture. Both sides are
important for the broad orientation we are concerned with
here.
From an educational standpoint, there is
more to tactics and uses, however, than these two sides might
immediately suggest. There is also the manifestation of ‘smartness’,
of forms of intelligent behaviour that can be understood in terms
ranging from Postman and Weingartner’s (1969) notion of having an
efficient ‘crap detector’ – an oldie, but a goodie – to more
mainstream concepts of kinds of ‘higher order’ logics appropriate to
a ‘meta age’ that values originality, innovation, capacity to make
quick shifts, and so on. It is a fair bet that ‘getting by’ in the
world that awaits today’s learners will have a lot more to do with
honing tactical ‘smarts’ than with submitting to technical mechanisms
that promote what Donaldo Macedo (1994) has magnificently referred to
as ‘stupidification’. The kind of orientation we are arguing for here
is one that would involve privileging in every recognizable instance, a learner/student tactic over a Producer
‘technique’ or value that would tend to stupidify that
learner.
Having spoken far too long in abstract
terms without very much in the way of examples, let us now consider
some concrete instances of people operating tactically to get a
better idea of what might be involved in developing a pedagogy of
tactics.
Some exemplary ‘bad
examples’
(a) Culture jamming @adbusters.org
At Adbusters Culture Jamming Headquarters
(http://www.adbusters.org/) an array of elegantly designed and technically
polished pages presents information about the organization and its
purposes. The pages also describe various culture jamming campaigns,
describe the Adbusters paper-based magazine, and target worthy media
events and advertising, cultural practices, and overblown corporate
globalisation with knife-sharp critiques in the form of parodies,
exposés of corporate wheelings and dealings, and/or online
information tours focussing on social issues. By turning media images
in upon themselves, or by writing texts that critique the effects of
transnational companies, the Adbusters ‘culture jamming’ campaigns
provide classic examples of tactics. They poach on the cultural
artifacts of Producers, and all that these artifacts embody as
institutionalised forms of discipline, regulation and coercion. They
essay raids in broad daylight on enemy terrain and in full
view.
An early Adbusters ‘anti ad’ (from a
critique of a past trend to claim an ‘equality’ ethic in the fashion
world) shows how combining familiar images and tweaking texts can
produce bitingly honest social commentaries that everyone everywhere
is able to read—a kind of global tactical
literacy (http://www.adbusters.org/spoofads/fashion/benetton/).
The nature of culture jamming and the
philosophy that underlies it, together with many practical examples
of how to enact culture-jamming literacies, are described in a recent
book. Culture Jam: How to Reverse
America’s Suicidal Consumer Binge—And Why We Must, is written by Kalle Lasn (1999), publisher of
Adbusters magazine and founder of the Adbuster Media
Foundation. The potential effectiveness of culture jamming as tactics
has been evident in recent months. A email posting in January 2002 to
the Culture Jammers Network (jammers@lists.adbusters.org) informed recipients that Adbusters’ activities
had come under increased scrutiny following September 11. According
to the posting,
Recently, our Corporate America Flag
billboard in Times Square, New York, attracted the attention of
the federal Department of Defense, and a visit by an agent who
asked a lot of pointed questions about our motivations and intent.
We wondered: What gives? "Just following up a lead from a tip
line," the agent admitted.
Adbusters were clearly worrying people in
high places. They observed that any campaign daring to question ‘U.S.
economic, military or foreign policy in these delicate times’, or any
negative evaluation of how the US is handling its ‘War on terrorism,’
runs the risk of being cast as ‘a kind of enemy of the state, if not
an outright terrorist’.
Adbusters’ response was to mobilise
Internet space to engage in a classic act of cyberactivist literacy.
The posting asked other Culture Jammers whether their activities had
received similar attention, noting that they had received messages
from other activist organisations that had found themselves under
investigation ‘in a political climate that's starting to take on
shades of McCarthyism’. Noting that they could live with vigilance,
but that intimidation amounting to persecution is ‘another bucket of
fish’, Adbusters established it own ‘rat line’ and invited others to
publicise instances of state persecution public within a medium which
has immediate global reach.
If you know of social marketing campaigns
or protest actions that are being suppressed, or if you come
across any other story of overzealous government "information
management," please tell us your story. Go to <http://www.adbusters.org/campaigns/flag/nyc.html>.
The following slides show exactly what
has transpired from Adbusters’ invitation to the public to engage in
their own tactical maneuvers on Producer terrain. They are stunningly
good in terms of a critical aesthetics, and wonderfully subversive.
Adbusters’ commentary on their response to the Producers who have
tried to silence them – Disney (owners of Times Square) and the
Department of Defence (much the same people, really) – is the
quintessence of the kind of open tactical resistance –
defiance – we believe will be needed on a global scale in
the decades ahead. (see the slides from http://www.adbusters.org/campaigns/flag/nyc.html
)
(b) Girlswirl : I
did it my way
In the world of zines (Lankshear and
Knobel 2002; Lankshear and Knobel forthcoming), tactics are regularly
employed to poach and prey upon strategic productions – or enacted
strategies on the part of producers – in the form of ‘official’
versions of how we should be and do. Zines are very much about
turning place into space by tactical means. For example, Taryn Hipp
writes in the online version of her zine Girlswirl:
‘Being an "overweight" girl is not easy. When I look around all I see
are these pictures of skinny women in revealing clothes standing next
to a handsome man’ (Hipp 1999 http://www.girlswirl.net/thefanzine/issueone.html
). Taryn uses her zine as a personal space:
she critiques images of women in the media; candidly discusses her
relationship with her boyfriend, Josh; openly describes being a
member of a rather unconventional family; and so on. While not a
direct ‘attack’ on or resistance to popular media, Girlswirl is
the product of Taryn’s ‘making space’ in the niches and crevices of
institutions such as mainstream magazines and television by thumbing
her nose at the formal structures and strategies of these
institutions. Her hand crafted paper zine sits nicely alongside her
website, which in addition to showcasing excerpts from her zine, also
includes a weblog (similar in concept to a diary, and can be added to
at will) and is often asynchronously interactive thanks to email
responses from readers etc. Her online zine and social commentaries
are further supported by an email discussion list. Taryn is not out
to change the world. She seems content to declare her position within
it and to make the world of image habitable:
I am happy with the way I am. I am happy
with the way I look. I am happy being ‘overweight’. I used to
worry about what other people thought of me. I have pretty much
gotten over that. It wasn’t easy. It never is (Hipp 1999).
(c) ‘Down the sink’: Dishwasher Pete on
tactical employment
In his inimitable way, Dishwasher Pete
deftly creates his own ‘space’ within the formal world of work and
communicates this for a wider audience in his zine Dishwasher.
Using texts, images and his own experiences, Pete critiques
mainstream mindsets about what young people ‘should’ do and be.
Dishwasher is not just about dishwashing in countless
restaurants across the U.S. It is a very thoughtful and
thought-provoking critique of work and economic inequality.
Dishwasher Pete himself actively side-steps ‘baby-boomer’ work ethics
and turns the proliferation of ‘McJobs’ to his own ends (cf., Howe
and Strauss 1993). As he puts it:
I’m addicted to that feeling
of quitting; walking out the door, yelling "Hurrah!" and running
through the streets. Maybe I need to have jobs in order to appreciate
my free leisure time or just life in general. … Nowadays, I can’t
believe how personally
employers take it when I quit. I think, "What did you expect? Did you
expect me to grow old and die here in your restaurant?" There seems
to be a growing obsession with job security, a feeling that if you
have a job you’d better stick with it and ‘count your blessings’ (op.
cit.: 5, 6; see also Duncombe 1997).
By no means all zines
employ tactics in such ways. Many, however, reflect sophisticated
expertise in the use of tactics in the sense that their
author-producers ‘[pinch] the meanings they need from the cultural
commodities … offered to them’ (Underwood 2000: n.p.). Zinesters are
often highly adept at appropriating spaces of dominant culture for
their own uses, or of otherwise making these spaces ‘habitable.’ They
will prove an indispensable resource for informing the development of
pedagogies of tactics on the part of English teachers.
Some ‘ordinary’ everyday educational
examples
The following examples have been chosen
as much to illustrate different available teacher positions with
respect to tactics as for the character of the tactics concerned in
the particular cases.
(a) A ‘powerful language curriculum’ as
fair game
One of our favorite examples of classroom
tactics concerns a Year 7 student, Jacques, who told us ‘I'm not keen
on language and that. I hate reading. I'm like my Dad, I'm not a
pencil man’ (Knobel 1999, 2001). His teacher concurred, describing
Jacques as ‘having serious difficulties with literacy.’ Jacques did
all he could to avoid reading and writing in class, although he
collaborated with family members to engage successfully in a range of
challenging literate practices outside school. These included
producing fliers to attract customers to his lucrative holiday lawn
mowing round, and participating in Theocratic School each week, where
Jacques regularly had to read and explain and give commentaries on
texts from the Bible to groups of up to 100 people.
Jacques’s literacy avoidance behavior in
class produced a very effective use of tactics with respect to the
Writers Center his teacher had established in one corner of the
classroom, where students could work on the narratives they had to
produce for their teacher. (The Writers Centre was designed to
integrate to components of the state’s English Syllabus, which aimed
to promote ‘powerful language uses’ on the part of learners. In the
case involving Jacques, the pedagogical elements of the Producer
strategy for shaping powerful language learning comprised explicit
teaching of genres – e.g., narrative – and components of a ‘growth
and development’ model of language education – specifically, a
version of process writing.) During a two-week period we observed
Jacques spending several hours at the Writing Center making a tiny
book (6cm by 4 cm) containing several stapled pages. On each page he
wrote 2 or 3 words which made up a ‘narrative’ of 15 to 20 words (for
example: ‘This is J.P.’s truck. J.P. is going on holiday in his
truck. J.P. likes holidays in his truck. The End’). Other students
found these hilarious when he read them out loud to them, and he
eventually produced a series of six ‘J. P. Stories.’
His teacher’s response was negative and
highly critical. She was not impressed and saw his activities as
‘very childish’ and as a means of avoiding writing and of not taking
too seriously something he could not do. Yet Jacques’ tactical
approach to making this literacy learning context ‘habitable’ showed
precisely the kind of ‘spark’ that could serve him well in all kinds
of real world contexts. It also inchoately contains a critique of
much classroom activity (what’s the point of it? How is it relevant?)
that is consistent with formal research-based critiques of
non-efficacious learning (cf. Gee, Hull and Lankshear 1996: ch 1). A
teacher who could appreciate and celebrate tactics might have been
able to reward the potentially fruitful and creatively subversive
element of Jacques’ ‘trick’ and extend them pedagogically.
(b) Doom or Mortal Kombat?’
Tony was a 13 years old student in Year
7, the final year of primary school. He had migrated with his parents
migrated from Taiwan six years previously. Tony was the only ESL
learner in the case. His teacher was a very conscientious teacher who
worried about the absence of support for ESL learners in the school.
She worried about having Tony in her class, on the grounds that his
English was inadequate and she did not know how to help him. To
illustrate her concerns she pulled out of a drawer a fat wad of
A4-sized paper, covered in handwriting and stapled in one corner. She
dropped on the desk, sighed, and asked rhetorically: "What do you do
with that? It doesn’t even make sense!"
Tony had been working on this text – a
narrative – for more than a month at the time he handed it in. His
teacher said by the time she first saw it as a draft it was far too
long for her to ‘conference’ properly (i.e., to give him feedback
about his text, identify its strengths, and suggest how to improve it
as a basis for subsequent work in class). She had filed it in his
assessment portfolio, and said she was not going to mark it because
it was too long and the time was now too close to the end of the year
to find time for marking it and giving feedback. She felt she just
didn’t have time to correct his English and explain what was wrong
with his turn of phrase.
We made a copy of Tony’s narrative for
analysis. The following fragment, which is representative of the
quality and character of the text as a whole, comprises the
Orientation to his narrative: Orientation, Conflict, Resolution, and
Coda being the four main generic structural features of narrative as
defined in the Syllabus.
Doom: Part 1
In the dark Ages,
Europe was broke into many different countries.
In the Kingdom of Khimmur, King Little, the
ruler of Khimmur gave a mission to one of the brave
warriors, Jake Simpson.
His mission was to
defeat Shang-Tsung. Shang-Tsung was an evil person. He tried
to rule the whole china, but he never did it, so he went to
Europe. Now he is planning to take over the whole Europe.
And he has three warriors.
Kung-Lao, before he
was a dragon, then Shang-Tsung made him \into a/ human
Raiden, God of Thunder.
Gora, a 2000 year old
giant with four hands.
Shang-Tsung also took
control of lots of things. He has a vast number of
soldiers.
Snow Witch, Lizard
King and Baron Sukumvit were also Shang-Tsung’s helpers,
because Shang-Tsung promised to Share the power with
them.
And the Warlock of
Firetop Mountain, was the guard for Shang-Tsung’s
Rich.
"So, I will send you
to attack Shang-Tsung" said King Little.
"Isn’t there anyone
going with me?" asked Jim.
Oh, I nearly forgot to
tell you about this" said King Little "There will be two
Martial Arts Master from the great Empire of Han,
Chung-Hi-San-Wu and Lee-Quan-Lin will go with you. They were
send by the Emperor of China."
|
There are many ways in which Tony’s
narrative might be construed. We would argue, however, that one
useful way of approaching it is as a form of use in de Certeau’s
sense. In the challenging context of producing a narrative he had
tried to smooth out the terrain and make it habitable in a manner
analogous to the Robaix migrants mentioned by de Certeau. There is
nothing oppositional or resistant about his work. It was simply an
exercise in ‘making do’.
Ironically, the teacher’s refusal to
engage with his text can be seen as uninformed and misguided even in
terms of the official purposes of the curriculum and her own very
serious attempts to develop a pedagogy equal to these purposes
(Lankshear and Knobel 2002). The excerpt cited above is sufficient on
its own to reveal much about Tony’s literacy proficiency. At the
surface level it is evident that he has an excellent grasp of a range
of important writing conventions. These include compiling lists,
paragraphing, direct speech conventions, punctuation, and controlling
the genre structure of a narrative. His use of ‘\ /’ marks show that
he has mastered the convention for inserting text into a sentence
already handwritten. Likewise, a word he was not sure how to spell is
underlined – another ‘school’ writing practice. His vocabulary belied
our interpretation of his teacher’s assessment of his command of
English, which had indicated he had minimal of English in his
writing. His text as contained some systematic errors in tense, with
plurals and some prepositions, etc. By the same token, our
investigation of the class suggested that, in terms of conventional
print literacy indicators, Tony’s literacy ‘competence’ was
considerably greater than several of his native
English-speaking classmates (see ibid).
A first glance at Tony’s text reveals
to anyone with relevant insider
knowledge that he has produced a
complex intertextual narrative. For example, the characters
"Shang-Tsung", "Raiden" and "Kung Lao" are both characters in
Mortal Kombat, an adventure game from the early 1990s produced
originally by Nintendo (and now available as a computer game as
well). King Loa is described on the Mortal Kombat
official website as: "a troubled young warrior from the Order of
Light Temple. He is a skilled Mortal Kombat
fighter with incomparable focus and strength. Kung Lao was raised
alongside other children from the temple and trained from birth to
fight in the Mortal
Kombat wars…" (see
<http://www.mortalkombat.com>). Similarly, the character "Gora-Gora" can be
found in the Nintendo game, The
Ultimate Evil. And so on.
Tony’s text builds on his insider status
within the ‘Video Action Games’ Discourse. At one level he has done
the equivalent of de Certeau’s cook making do with what is in the
kitchen to create a dinner for guests. At another level he has
produced a legitimate, indeed sophisticated,
exemplar of the genre under instruction at the time. What we have
here is a case of a teacher failing to recognise a consumer use, and
to probe it for its inherent ‘intelligence’ as a basis for building
on it pedagogically. A default mode that is on the look out for
learners employing uses and tactics with a view to building
productively on them will give teachers at least a fighting chance in
cases like Tony’s. In doing so, they will play out of the hands of
Producer constructions of difference and disadvantage – even
well-intentioned ones – that subtract value from learners’ ‘walks at
sunset’.
(c) Reclaiming the ’hood symbolically:
Virtual Valley 1
Our two previous examples have been of
cases where learner tactics have not been recognised and built upon
pedagogically in ways that could promote useful forms of learning,
and further enhance ‘ways’ that are already ‘smart’ and encourage
others to emulate these in productive interest-serving ways.
By contrast, this third example is of a
sophisticated pedagogy of tactics being employed from the outset of a
learning project. It involves a project based in the tactical logic
of culture jamming, and of ‘making place’ by turning ‘place’ into
‘space’. Virtual Valley 1 was a community arts project located in an
inner city metropolitan area known locally as The Valley.
Prior to the 1990s the Valley had been
synonymous with marginal life and activities. It had for decades been
a magnet for displaced, homeless, drifting folk, many of whom had
addictions or histories of substance abuse, and many of whom were
members of indigenous groups. It was formerly a well-known site of
‘vice’: prostitution, graft, and various forms of racketeering. On
the other hand, the Valley is also home to the city’s Chinatown, a
bustling thriving centre of businesses and restaurants serving the
long-established Chinese community. More recently, other Asian ethnic
groups have also established a cultural presence there, and different
Asian communities find in the Valley a zone of ethnic familiarity and
comfort.
During the 1990s the heart of the Valley
underwent a dramatic facelift. Its mall was upgraded, new shopping
centres established, and existing businesses revitalised. The mall
became home to many outdoor cafés, sidewalk bars,
tourist-related businesses, and trendy nightclubs. This catered in
part to a new clientele of tourists as well as to more affluent
social groups who like somewhere to go that is a little exotic and
‘on the edge’. At the same time the Valley retained its traditional
gritty base. Street kids, aged alcoholics, young unemployed men
hanging out in video game parlours, bag ladies, lingering Mafia-like
groups, and the like maintained a visible presence, albeit a less
conspicuous one than previously.
One consequence of these changes had been
a ‘rewriting’ and ‘sanitising’ of the Valley for sale as a tourist
destination and yuppie playground. As a result, the long-standing
marginal youth users of the Valley – many of whom were among the
traditional ‘owners’ of this space and its activities – had been
pushed still further to the margins.
A community arts project was developed by
a project consortium (CONTACT-GRUNT) to provide a safe and welcoming
space for young people in the Valley area. It also aimed to help
equip youth with skills relevant to earning a living, and to offer
activities that would promote a sense of self-identity and
interconnectedness with other youth identities. Virtual Valley 1 was
a project with an online (or ‘virtual’) component based on the
Valley. It addressed the theme of young people who had strong
affinities with the Valley and whose identities were bound up with
the Valley, being pushed out of the process of its redefinition and
re-‘development’. It aimed to produce ‘an alternative user’s guide’
to the Valley that would provide different readings and writings of
the Valley from those found in official municipal promotions and
tourist brochures, particularly the sepia-inked ‘historical walk’
guides that listed a range of ‘must-see’ sites and landmarks
connected with the colonisation of the Valley area by Europeans in
the 1800s.
As an oppositional cultural response,
Virtual Valley 1 presented work by nine young people who used the
Valley on a daily basis for work and recreational purposes. The
project was funded by state government and community arts grants. The
young people involved all ‘held strong opinions about the valley’s
role’ in the life of the city, then being promoted by the state
government as the country’s most livable city. Participants’ work was
presented in two formats. One was a web site. The other was a booklet
to help guide visitors through a number of interesting sites using
maps and postcard images. The latter could be pulled out and used as
real postcards. The maps and images were based on these young
people’s identities, values, worldviews, experiences, and ways of
locating themselves personally and collectively in time and space
within the Valley. The project focus was on encouraging young people
to map the Valley areas in ways that were culturally relevant to
themselves and their peers.
Places of interest presented in the
Virtual Valley web site included the location of a large clock (used
by youth who do not have or wear watches), and favourite places for
dancing, eating, getting coffee, finding bargains, and meeting
friends. These were incorporated into web pages built around an
online street map that contrasted graphically with tourist maps, such
as the official ‘heritage trail’ that mapped landmarks from the
standpoint of colonialist history. The hard-copy booklet produced a
picture postcard collage of images, including some from the web site.
These ranged from snapshots of a gutter and a tidy line of garbage
bins to a crowded Saturday market scene in the Mall.
The project enacted the tactical logic of
turning place into space. It poached on resources of the dominant
order – economic resources, promotional materials, colonialist
history, etc. – to create a physical space for young people to meet
and engage in leisure and learning pursuits, as well as to
re-appropriate cultural space for alternative representations and
meanings. The project also operated under the cover of a ‘community
arts’ identity to produce countercultural meanings and to reinforce
countercultural values and group identities. In the process, people
who had largely been relegated to the ranks of the ‘scholastically
uncredentialled’ and unemployed by the education and labour markets
respectively obtained well-grounded, robust, and usable capabilities.
In a number of cases led directly to legitimate earning
opportunities, in the form of jobs, via public exhibitions at which
they sold their work, and so on. Other projects in the same mould
followed, with similar results (see de Alba et al 2000: Ch 8).
A part of the whole: redressing a
balance
It is important to state that we are not
advocating the orientation toward a pedagogy of tactics as the
only desirable pedagogical orientation. Rather, our
concern is to redress a balance in pedagogy that will enable learners
and teachers to smooth out the strategically produced order of
compulsory education. We recognise, of course, that it is important
for learners to elements of strategically defined knowledge and
competence to the extent that this is possible. The most effective
tacticians often have high quality knowledge of Producer culture and
ways. This is especially apparent in the Adbuster tactical
productions we have referred to. Indeed, any kind of broad-based
movements committed to resisting the will to a global capitalist
christian corporate order will depend on people being able to
complement excellent tactical capacity with sound knowledge of
Producer ways. It will also require the capacity to command
sufficient strategic ground (enough of a ‘proper’) to transform
antidiscipline into permanent counterdiscipline. To realise these
conditions presupposes honouring and building constructively upon the
cultural stocks of tactics and uses borne by learners. This
has to be a democratic pedagogical bottom line. In
this, of course, learners will not be the sole beneficiaries of small
wins. As the terrain on which they teach becomes increasingly in need
of smoothing out, teachers themselves will gain from enhanced
capacity to employ tactics and enact consumer uses.
At the same time, de Certeau’s theory of
tactics reminds us that there will never and can never be such a
thing as a monolithic triumph of globalisatiuon. At the very least
the diverse peoples and groups will maintain their equivalents of the
perruque of workers, the uses of the colonised indios of
México, and the bricolaged walks of old ladies in Paris. A
pedagogy of tactics can only work in the direction of making such an
antidiscipline more rather than less robust. By the same token, the
examples set by great tactical leaders like Gandhi, Martin Luther
King, Ho Chi Minh and those who stood with them, keep alive the hope
for somewhat more substantial wins in the long run.
Beginnings
There is no blueprint for developing the
orientation we have called a ‘pedagogy of tactics’. Minimally, it
involves the ability and willingness to recognise
learner tactics where they occur and to build creatively and
constructively upon them. This is no easy task. On the other hand,
once one understands what tactics are, in de Certeau’s sense, and
appreciates their existential, cultural and political significance in
relation to Production and Consumption, it becomes easier to
recognise and built upon them. Likewise, when one understands the
logic of tactics in this way it becomes easier to identify one’s own
tactical operations, and to recall endless instances of tactics that
have been part of one’s own experience. From this base it is possible
to consciously refine one’s own tactics in solidarity with those of
others. We hope the examples provided here at least suggest places
from which to start developing a pedagogy of tactics as a necessary
orientation for teachers under contemporary conditions.
In the end, however, the more difficult
demand may be cultivating and harnessing the willingness to embrace
the kind of identity as an educator within which nurturing and
employing tactics is not merely significant but is an absolutely necessary element.
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