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[Note for bibliographic reference: Melberg, Hans O. (1998), Arguments searching for
proofs: A Review of Galbraith's A Short History of Financial Euphoria, www.oocities.org/hmelberg/papers/980909.htm]
Arguments searching for proofs
- A Review of Galbraith's A Short History of Financial Euphoria
by Hans O. Melberg
A Short History of Financial Euphoria
John Kenneth Galbraith
Whittle books in association with Viking (Penguin), New York/London, 1993
113 pages, ISBN: 0-670-85028-4
Introduction
J. K. Galbraith's book A Short History of Financial Euphoria is good in the
sense that it suggests some potentially important psychological mechanisms that create
financial disasters. The verdict, however, is not only favourable since the suggested
mechanisms are not empirically proven. Another flaw is the relatively superficial
description - mainly drawn from secondary sources - of a number of financial disasters.
Galbraith's argument: The mechanisms
Galbraith's main argument is that speculative booms are caused by unavoidable
psychological mechanisms. As he writes: "The circumstances that induce the recurrent
lapses into financial dementia have not changed in any truly operative fashion since the
Tulipomania of 1636-37. Individuals and institutions are captured by the wondrous
satisfaction from accruing wealth. The associated illusion of insight is protected, in
turn, by the oft-noted public impression that intelligence, one's own and that of others,
marches in close step with the possession of money. Out of that belief, thus instilled,
then comes action - the bidding up of values, whether in land, securities, or, as
recently, art. The upward movement confirms the commitment to personal and group wisdom.
And so to the movement of mass disillusion and crash" (p. 106).
More specifically, he describes two main mechanisms and two supporting mechanisms
behind booms. The first describes how overconfidence increases as a result of initial
speculation. "Those involved with the speculation are experiencing an increase in
wealth - getting richer or being further enriched. No one wishes to believe that this is
fortuitous or undeserved; all wish to think that it is the result of their own superior
insight or intuition" (p. 5). In this way, "Speculation buys up, in a very
practical way, the intelligence of those involved" (p. 5).
The second mechanism, relates to how critical comments against speculation are
discouraged. People "ignore, exorcise, or condemn those who express doubts" (p.
11) since they do not want to believe the good times can end. One well known example is
Paul M. Warburg - a respected banker who in 1929 wrote critically about the excessive
speculation at the time. In return he received comments about how he was "sandbagging
American prosperity" (quoted on p. 7).
The two supporting mechanisms are, first, "the extreme brevity of financial
memory" and "the specious association of money and intelligence" (p. 13).
The short memory implies that people do not learn from the last crisis, the association of
intelligence and money results in uncritical attitudes that allow speculations to
continue. Galbraith also offers suggestions as to why these mechanisms exist. The first is
supported by the need to find external scapegoats after a crisis. People do not want to
blame themselves, but when they don't they don't learn the lesson). Moreover, Galbraith
believes people wants to find external causes since they want to believe in the goodness
of the free market economy. The second mechanism is, amongst other things, the result of
everyday experience. As he writes: "Those with money to lend are, by long force of
habit, tradition, and more especially the needs and desires of borrowers, accorded a
special measure of deference in daily routine. This is readily transmuted by the recipient
into an assurance of mental superiority" (p. 16, see also p. 88).
In sum, we have four observations:
1. Psychologically earning money makes you overconfident in your own abilities since there
is an individual need to believe that you deserve the money (i.e. that your gain was not
pure luck).
2. It is very difficult to speak out against speculation since people who do are subject
to bitter personal attacks. Why? Since the message is negative there is a tendency to
dislike the messenger.
3. People have very short financial memory. One reason why this is so is the need to blame
the crisis on external factors and to protect the belief in the market.
4. People who lend out money tend to become overconfident because they are routinely in
situations in which they are treated as superiors.
There is, also, a fifth observation that he makes, which is worth pointing out:
5. Money and leadership tend to go to people who have an aura of authority and/or those
who are "indifferent to legal constraints" (p. 14 and 15). The first means that
people with a great deal of self-confidence tends to become leaders and it may be
difficult to voice critical opinions to such people. The second points out that the
association of money and intelligence may be partly spurious since it is indifference to
legal constraints that makes people rich.
How then do these mechanism explain financial euphoria? Galbraith admits that he cannot
explain in the sense of pointing to ultimate causes. No one knows, he claims, exactly how
the euphoria gets started. Instead the mechanisms explain how an initial small successful
speculation may grow into a large financial euphoria. The mechanisms also try to explain
why these euphoria are recurring events. Galbraith's story is, in short, one of
overconfidence and lack of critical attitudes. Both mean that asset values may sometimes
depart greatly from the realistic estimates of expected future returns from the asset.
Overconfident people buy at too high prices and no one dares to warn them (which only
increases their confidence).
The evidence?
Gailbraith is good at making grand claims and suggestions. He is less good at proving
the existence and empirical relevance of these mechanisms. His basic approach is to go
through a number of financial euphorias to show that the mechanisms he identified were
operating in all these episodes. For instance, to prove the mechanism of scapegoating, he
shows how John Law became the scapegoat of the French financial disaster in 1720 (Banques
Royal and the Mississippi Company). He also calls it "nonsense" and
"ridiculous" to suggest that the 1987 crash was caused by the deficit or
computer controlled selling of stocks or that the 1929 crash was caused by the money
supply contraction. These historical events serve as evidence of the mechanism that we
need a scapegoat and it is probably the mechanism that is best documented by his
historical examples.
Some of the other mechanisms are less well documented. That is not the same as saying
that they are wrong. They are often plausible, but their strength end empirical relevance
is not proven. For instance, the argument that people associate money with intelligence,
and that earning money makes you overconfident, is simply a hypothesis for which he gives
little proof. True, in some speculative episodes we observe how people ascribe almost
mystical powers of foresight to some of the leaders (such as the mentioned John Law in
France). We may also observe individual businessmen who become overconfident after initial
gains, such as Donald Trump or the Canadian developer Robert Campeau. Yet, we need more
rigorous proof both of the strength of this belief and its empirical relevance in creating
financial euphorias.
One way of testing these hypothesis is to conduct surveys and experiments. For
instance, when asked to reveal their strength in the belief that "money income and IQ
is related" the mean result was 4.7 among 20 students at the University of Oslo
(survey conducted among students of psychology and economics at a statistics seminar). Of
course, these kind of surveys need to be done on a larger scale and followed up by
experiments (maybe people do not reveal their true opinions) to get reliable results.
However, the point is that we need some kind of independent proof of the hypothesis before
we accepts it strength and existence.
The need for more evidence also applies to the alleged short term memory of financial
markets. The fact that financial euphorias appear again and again, does not necessarily
prove that people have forgotten the last crisis. For instance, Krugman presents a model
in which it is rational for speculators to pay more than the expected return for an asset
as long as they gamble with other people's money. In this model the reason for financial
euphoria is not overconfidence, but over-guaranteed and under-regulated banks. Once again,
this is not to deny that there is some truth to the argument that financial memory is
short. The point is that we need more evidence that this is true, to what extent it is
true and exactly how it creates crisis.
The argument that people do not dare to speak out against speculation because there is
an inherent belief in the goodness of the market economy, is also unproven. While this may
apply to some economists, it seems safe to say that since Keynes (or indeed, Marx) there
has been no shortage of economists who were willing and able to speak out against the
free-market. Moreover, there should be great incentive to do so and to act on the
knowledge that the market price was wrong. Personally you are rewarded with fame
afterwards, and if you bet on the downfall (speculate on the options market) you can earn
a handsom sum of money.
There is also a problem in the sense that the psychological tendencies Galbraith
describes always exist, while financial euphoria is less than permanent. In fact, the
market economy seems to be working fine most of the time. A good theory should therefore
describe not only the mechanisms that create crisis, but also why these crisis do not
occur constantly.
Finally, consider Galbraith's statement that "Recurrent speculative insanity and
the associated financial deprivation and large devastation are, I am persuaded, inherent
in the system" (preface viii). The truth of this statement depends on how you define
"inherent" and "the system." The mechanisms described by Gailbrath are
mainly psychological. This leads me to believe that by "inherent" he means that
overconfidence is an unaviodable part of human nature. The system, in this context, must
mean the capitalist free-market. There is, however, a slight tension here. Most
conservative economist work on the assumption that people are rational and selfish. The
question of whether financial euphoria is inherent to the system, is then a question of
whether bubbles and crashes can occur in an economy with rational individuals (and all the
other neo-classical assumptions). Conservative economists would not deny that panics might
be inherent to the system if you assume that people act irrationally. They may,
however, deny that irrationality plays such a prominent role in asset pricing.
The above comment suggests that a good way of examining financial euphoria, would be to
list all the neo-classical assumptions (rationality, perfect information, perfect
competition and so on). The next step would be to examine how (and if) cycles can be
generated, first, within the system without changing the assumptions (maybe only introduce
time lags?). Second, one could see how changing each assumption would affect the tendency
of the system to generate cycles and depressions. Galbraith has attached the assumption of
rationality. Alternative arguments would be to attack the assumption of linearity,
assumptions of information and so on.
Conclusion
On a scale from 0 to 10 I give this book 5. There is little original research (the
description of the episodes is sometimes from modern secondary textbooks) and few rigorous
arguments and proofs. Yet, it contains interesting suggestions and ideas worth a closer
examination. It is also very brief and relatively well written.
[Note for bibliographic reference: Melberg, Hans O. (1998), Arguments searching for
proofs: A Review of Galbraith's A Short History of Financial Euphoria,
www.oocities.org/hmelberg/papers/980909.htm]
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