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5. FORCED IDENTITY
Tamils of Sri Lanka, just as any other community in the world, have been and are
peace-loving people. The same applies to the Sinhalese people. There were no armed
insurrection in the Tamil parts of post-colonial Sri Lanka until the seventies.
Most Tamils of Sri Lankan origin were happy to be "Ilankai (Sri Lankan) Tamils",
and it must be said that they were even somewhat indifferent to the citizenship
problems of the Tamils in the plantation sector who immigrated from India during
the British rule. Then came the discrimination and Sinhala only act in the Fifties.
Sinhala was made the official language, and Buddhism became the state religion.
Tamil government employees had to learn Sinhala or loose their jobs. The elected
Tamil MPs were beaten up by police for demanding justice peacefully. In education,
Tamils had to score more than others to get into the university. The communal riots
in 56, 77 and 83 created a fear among the Tamils that has continued to grow. The
most sacred institution of all, the Jaffna public library, was burnt down by members
of the security forces. Since the large scale armed confrontations began, each
guerrilla attack on the security forces resulted in indiscriminate retaliatory
attacks that left many innocent people dead or maimed. A significant proportion
of the houses and public buildings in some areas were destroyed in aerial attacks.
The economic embargo that has been in force for several years has resulted in extreme
hardship to the civilians (Pieris, 1992). The escalation of Sinhala-Tamil violence
and the resulting internationalisation of the conflict is reported in a book Ethnic
Conflict, edited by Bouche et al (Arasaratnam, 1987).
Escalation of violence and the state's mishandling of it have caused a fear among
the Tamils: That is, the Tamil culture is under threat. All these actions have
caused the Tamils to cling to their identity and fight for their rights. They began
to see them as Tamils first. It was a forced identity. Initially they asked for
equal rights, and the major Tamil political party "Federal Party" asked for federal
status. Deals were made but they were quickly broken by the ruling parties, because
they could not afford to give the Tamils control over their own affairs at the
expense of loosing popularity among the Sinhalese, as the oppositions were always
against such deals. The governments changed, but when a governing party became an
opposition they were ready to block any moves to give federal status or equal rights
to the Tamils. Gradually the Tamils lost faith in the Sri Lankan state, and in 1976
the Tamil parties from the north and east of Sri Lanka formed Tamil United Liberation
Front (TULF), and issued a manifesto demanding the creation of an independent Tamil
state. In 1977 elections, TULF won the elections in the north and east. At this
stage, Tamils remembered being under their own rule prior to the arrival of
Europeans, and wanted to run their own affairs.
Under continued external pressure, there emerged a strong Tamil identity. This is
not to say that the Tamils did not have a communal identity prior to these events.
It is just that it became so strong that it turned into nationalism. This was forced
onto them by the actions and in-actions of the Sri Lankan governments: actions such
as discrimination in education and employment, colonisation and unfair
constitutional changes; in-actions that encouraged rioting gangs to attack Tamil
civilians and property and allowed security forces to use violence against civilians.
It is worth noting that in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu, the people do not have such
a strong identity crisis Their culture, they feel, is under no threat in the secular
state of India, and they have a sense of belonging to India. Similarly, despite being
a small community, the Tamils in New Zealand feel that they are not under any external
threat and are safe and happy to belong to this country.
6. PERMEABILITIY OF CULTURAL BOUNDARIES
At this stage, it is appropriate to find the conditions under which cultural identity
causes problems. One possible answer is that the identity itself is harmless, as
long as individuals are able to move between the cultures, crossing the traditional
boundaries. In other words, the boundaries must be permeable. When a community is
subject to excessive external pressure from another community or other
socio-political forces, it may seal its boundaries, and cultural identity then
becomes a major issue. Such a community may become sensitive to any external
stimuli, and it may unknowingly become self-centred and isolated, not only from the
source of the initial external pressure, but also from other communities. Under
these conditions, internal struggles from elements that want to escape from the
isolated structure could cause serious problems (such as division among the Tamil
groups). In such a closed community, external forces could cause the boundaries to
collapse or the internal forces could rupture the boundaries (see Figure 1). This
may lead to an identity crisis.
The above model can also be applied to the Sinhalese community. It must be stated
here that the entire Sinhalese community cannot be held responsible for this
pressure. Even perceived threats could act as external pressure. After independence
from the British, sections of Sinhala elite reminded the people of pre-colonial
Indian invasions and an epic battle that had become part of the Sinhala folklore
between a Sinhala and a Tamil king in the second century B.C to mobilise support for
their particular concerns (Arasaratnam, 1987). This and the fact that under the
British rule, proportionately more Tamils were employed in government service may
have caused the Sinhalese to start applying pressure against the Tamil community.
State leadership's inability to deal with the Sinhala nationalism encouraged this
process. That is to say that cultural identity may have become an issue for the
Sinhalese whose reaction to the perceived threat then became a real threat for the
Tamils.
Whether the above model is right or wrong, we have to understand this problem in
order to find a solution. Perhaps this model would serve as a starting point.
In any case we need to look at possible ways of resolving the conflict between the
two communities that are locked in their own shells. To reverse the above process of
cultural isolation, it is necessary to remove the factors that started it in the
first place. This means, all threats, real and perceived, must be removed. In Sri
Lanka, this implies that both the Sri Lankan government and the Tamil fighters must
renounce violence, particularly against civilians. This is where the international
community including the New Zealand government can help. Neither side is in a
position to trust the other. This can be changed with international mediation and
security guarantees. A permanent solution to the problem is achievable, if the two
communities are allowed to run their own affairs without interference. This requires
a commitment from both sides. In the interests of the future generations, both sides
must change their apparent inflexible attitude. The Sri Lankan government and other
Sinhalese mainstream politicians need to realise, and explain to the public, that the
unity of the people is more important than maintaining a unitary administration by
force. LTTE need to realise that for long term peace, they will have to take some
steps to win the hearts of all communities.
7. THE STRUCTURE OF A MULTI-CULTURAL SOCIETY
The relative success of the Indian democracy may be attributed to several factors.
One is that India is a multicultural society and as such no particular group is under
threat. The argument against this is that Hindi language is similar to many north
Indian languages, and is spoken by the majority. Yet, the South Indians, including
Tamils the majority of whom don't speak Hindi do not feel threatened. Perhaps it is
the secular nature of the Indian state and its devolved administrative structure that
has united the people of North and South. This is where the hope lies.
The author believes that further devolution of power to the states may even resolve
other remaining problems in states such as Jammu & Kashmir. Sri Lanka should learn
from this and go for a full devolution of power in the interests of the future
generations. This should not be a question of pride or politics. All major
Sri Lankan parties should try to understand the problem and let the Tamils run their
own affairs. There are hard-line communal elements among the Sinhalese who may never
cease to oppose any move to devolve power to the Tamil regions. In the past, a number
of agreements between the Tamil political leaders and Sri Lankan governments were
made, but they were broken on all occasions due to the inability of the governing
parties to implement the agreements without risking their hold on power. While some
foreign observers see the Sri Lankan government’s 1995 devolution proposal as a
reasonable compromise, the Tamils are waiting to see whether it will be implemented
or will be put aside under pressure from extremists. This is where external
mediation would help. Given the current circumstances where the LTTE and the
Sri Lankan government are not in a position to trust each other, negotiations with
the mediation of neutral governments appears to be the only peaceful means of ending
the violence.
8. THE ROLE OF TAMIL SOCIETIES
The Tamil societies including the NZ Tamil groups could get together to study the
problems that the Tamils are facing. We could start by searching the answers to
various questions related to the cultural identity. If Tamils consider themselves
as having a distinct identity worth preserving, then they should be able to
articulate as to what is worth preserving and why. This needs quite a soul
searching, as the immediate replies may not be the real answers. The New Zealand
Tamils could also play a vital role in bringing an end to the suffering of innocent
people in Sri Lanka, with the help of the fellow New Zealanders.
First of all we have to unite and identify some common goals. This is not an easy
task. This requires a commitment, and minds that are free to think and accept
alternative approaches. We have to realise that our view may not be complete, even
if it appears to be clear. We can discuss with experts in the relevant areas. It
may also be necessary to make compromises. If we are to function as a fully
integrated structure, such compromises may cause stresses. We simply will have to
accept them. We have the old saying "Union is strength" (in Tamil "adampan kodiyum
thirandaal midukku"). Superficially it is easy to understand. What may not be
transparent is the fact that sometimes stresses are inevitable. This problem may
be compared to the stresses induced in physical structures.
It is not difficult to bend a soft-bound book when one side is held and the other
side is pushed. On the other hand, if the pages are glued or held tightly then it
becomes very strong. The difference between the two is the shearing type of
stresses that are induced between the individual sheets. When the sheets are
bonded, there will exist some stresses between the sheets thus enabling the
structure to resist external loads more strongly. The same is true in compound
beams and reinforced concrete beams. There is however something to watch out.
That is, if the inter component stresses exceed the bond strength, then the structure
may fail suddenly with possibly devastating consequences. Therefore it is essential
to ensure, at the design stage, that any inter-component stresses are within
acceptable limits. It appears that identifying common goals of a social group is
also an extremely important task.
It is interesting to use the above example to a multiethnic society. In Canada, the
French and English are getting along reasonably well. In India, the various states
have reasonable power, and there are no inter-state wars. There is a good working
relationship between most states. Would it work, if France and Germany were to come
under one government. It is hard to predict the outcome, but the European communities,
from a secure position within their countries, are uniting on the economical front.
Can this happen in Sri Lanka? Clearly the inter-ethnic stresses are at a critical
stage. To reduce the stresses, both communities could be allowed to function
independently to such an extent that the stresses would fall to acceptable levels.
Whether or not the country will break is a too simple question. A more meaningful
question may be, whether the people in that island will have a better chance of
long-term survival and prosperity under two or one administration, and if the answer
is the latter then the author is of the opinion it would have to be a federal type,
as the current unitary structure has proved to be a failure. (Giving regional
autonomy may be compared to the rails in a railway track. When laying a track,
unless a clearance between rails is provided, there may develop excessive stresses
between the rails due to temperature changes, which can sometimes cause them to
buckle resulting in derailment.)
9. NOT JUST A TAMIL PROBLEM
The subject of cultural boundaries is important to all New Zealanders. If we
understand the significance of cultural diversity, and learn from each other, all
communities will benefit. The author's nine year old daughter became interested in
Maori language, and is learning it as her third language. She has discovered some
similarities between Maori and Tamil. Both languages have adjectives that are not
found in English. For example, koră (meaning 'there' while referring to a place
away from both the speaker and the person spoken to, Harawira1994) and konă ('there'
while referring to a place near the person spoken to). There are corresponding words
in Tamil (angę and ungę). Most Kiwi Tamils would have noted the similarity between
mănă (Maori) and mănam (Tamil) both having similar meaning. While the similarity and
differences between Tamil and English are likely to have been studied elsewhere, the
author is unaware of any work relating Maori and Tamil. There exists an excellent
potential for the two communities to learn each other's language and culture.
The problems that the Tamils in Sri Lanka are facing are not just our problems.
These are humanitarian problems that everyone should understand. By discussing it
with the society at large, we will be sharing our emotional burden and at the same
time there are other potential benefits including some guidance and advice from
others on how we can help to bring peace in Sri Lanka. If we are prepared to be
flexible, and shift our viewing position, we may be able to widen our understanding
of all our problems. Understanding a problem is the first step in solving it.
The Sri Lankan conflict is a dynamic problem. A solution that would have been viable
in the seventies is now unacceptable. With each passing day, the destruction of
something that we cannot create is progressing. Innocent people are dying. Others
are living in fear and turmoil. The distance between the opposing sides have
continued to widen. For the sake of humanity we must all do whatever is possible to
bring the conflict to an end.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The subject of this paper is the result of a discussion the author had with his
brother Kumaraparathy (Transpower, Wellington) on cultural identity and conditioning
and how this was viewed by Tamil saints and philosophers. A critical assessment of
an original version of this article by Kumaraparathy and his son Gnanabharathy (Works
Environmental, Christchurch) has broadened the scope of the paper and has removed
some ambiguities. The author is also grateful to his colleagues John Peet (Chemical
& Process Engineering) and Jacob Bercovitch (Political Science) for their comments
and encouragement, and his wife Krshnanandi for her comments and input through many
discussions.
REFERENCES
1. Arasaratnam, S, (1987). Sinhala Tamil relations in modern Sri Lanka, in
J.D. Boucher et al (eds), Ethnic Conflict, California: Sage Publications,
2. Ciththar (1991) Civavaakkiyam, in Meyyappan, S. (ed) Ciththar Paadalkal,
Chidambaram (India): Manivaasagar Publishers.
3. Cumming, D (1995) India, p10, East Sussex (U.K.): Wayland Publishers.
4. Harawira, K. T. (1994) Teach yourself Maori, Auckland (New Zealand): Reed
Books.
5. Pieris, I and Balasingham, P (1992), Make do or go without - innovation
under pressure in Jaffna, Appropriate Technology, V 19 No;3 pp 14-16.
6. Wade, C and Tavris, C (1993) Psychology, pp 304-305,
New York: Harper Collins.
7. Whorf, B.L. (1956) Science and linguistics. In J.B. Carroll (ed.),
Language, thought and reality: Selected writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf.
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
FLEXIBLE ATTITUDE
The stress we experience is related to our attitude. This is somewhat similar to
what happens in materials too. Consider a composite rod made of a hard (stiff) core
and enclosed by a flexible shell. When the composite rod is subjected to an axial
force, more stress is induced in the stiffer component. So the message is, by being
flexible, we will be able to reduce the stresses we experience.
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