It
was the morning of the 30th of August 1918. A cyclist turned up in Petrograd’s
Palace Square at around nine o’clock. He stopped at house number 6, the
headquarters of the Commune Commissariat for Internal Affairs and the
Extra-Ordinary Commission, the Cheka. This terror organisation had been
founded on 7 December 1917, but officially it did not exist. Only on
the 18th December 1927 did Pravda publish the decree officially establishing
the Cheka. The cyclist was a young man wearing a leather jacket and an
officer’s cap. He left his bicycle by the door and entered.
It was reception day at the Commissariat for Internal Affairs.
The visitors were waiting in the hall and did not notice the young man
who sat down near the outer door.
Moisei Uritsky (actually Boretsky) arrived in his car at around
ten o’clock. He was the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka. Uritsky became
infamous as the "Butcher of Petrograd". He threatened to kill all Russians
who spoke their native language well. He claimed there was no greater
pleasure than watching monarchists die, according to Igor Bunich ("The
Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992) and Oleg Platonov ("The History of
the Russian People in the Twentieth Century", Moscow, 1997, p. 613). Uritsky
had executed 5000 officers with his own hands. Now he quickly walked towards
the lift door. Suddenly several shots were heard. It was the young man
in the leather jacket who had approached Uritsky and shot him in his head
and body. Uritsky collapsed. The murderer ran out into the street, jumped
on his bicycle and began pedalling as fast as he could.
When they began to chase him by car, he threw away his bicycle
and ran into the British Representation. He left the representation after
having donned a longcoat. When he saw Red Guards, he opened fire but was
quickly overpowered.
This was the official description of Moisei Uritsky’s murder.
The suspect was a 22-year-old Jewish student of technology, Leonid Kannegisser.
This cock-and-bull story was published in 1975 in the book "The Elimination
of the Anti-Soviet Subversive Movement" by D. Golinkov, who used to investigate
especially important cases at the office of the Public Prosecutor of the
Soviet Union.
The doctor of history, P. Sofinov, described the same event
in a very different manner in 1960, in his book about the history of the
Cheka. On the morning of the 30th of August, the Social Revolutionary
Kennigisser, who was the freemason Savinkov’s agent as well as a spy for
the British and the French, murdered the chief of the Cheka in Petrograd,
Moisei Uritsky, in his office. Felix Dzerzhinsky (actually Rufin) gave
orders to search the British Embassy on the 31st of August.
The Social Revolutionary Kennigisser had become the student
Kannegisser in the meantime, and now he had murdered Uritsky in the hallway
of the Cheka instead of in Uritsky’s office. Sofinov’s version probably
seemed too contrived to be credible.
Grigori Nilov’s (Alexander Kravtsov’s) book "The Grammar of
Leninism" was published in London in 1990. In this book the author gave
neither theory credibility. Instead he claimed that the Bolshevik party
and the central organisation of the Cheka with Lenin and Dzerzhinsky at
the head were behind Uritsky’s murder.
The book "The Party’s Gold" by the historian Igor Bunich was
published in St. Petersburg in 1992. Igor Bunich reveals that the murder
of Uritsky was organised by Dzerzhinsky’s prot�g� Gleb Boky
who later became Dzerzhinsky’s successor. The Jewish Chekist, Boky, used
to feed the flesh of the executed to the animals in the zoo. Igor Bunich
demonstrated that Lenin personally gave the order to murder Uritsky and
also to stage an attempt on his own life to give himself a reason to immediately
begin the mass terror against the Russian population. The murder was also
Uritsky’s punishment for stealing some of the confiscated riches from
behind Lenin’s back, together with V. Volodarsky (actually Moisei Goldstein)
and the freemason Andronnikov (who was chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt).
Everything was sold via certain Scandinavian banks – but more about that
later.
The murder of Sergei Kirov (actually Kostrikov) on 1 December 1934 was in many ways similar to Uritsky’s murder. Kirov was officially
murdered by Leonid Nikolaiev. Both of those high party functionaries had
been murdered professionally and without obstacles. Both were warned in
advance. Both murderers could freely gain entrance to the respective buildings.
It is clear today that Stalin was behind the murder of Kirov,
despite the fact that there are no documents about this. There is no lack
of evidence and logical arguments. Kirov’s bodyguard was prevented from
accompanying him, so that the real murderer could shoot the Leningrad
Party Secretary at exactly 4:30 in the afternoon. That event provided
a good reason for Stalin to begin his campaign of mass terror. At least
7 million people were killed during that campaign and 18 million were
imprisoned. 97 per cent of the participants at the 1934 Party Congress
were liquidated.
Kravtsov presented some suspect circumstances in connection
with the murder of Uritsky, who was also a member of the Central Committee.
No analysis was made of Kannegisser’s revolver and ammunition. The Cheka
did not seem to want the truth to come out. Kannegisser was never taken
to trial, but was illegally killed. If Kannegisser had really been a Social
Revolutionary, then a trial would have been a propaganda triumph for the
regime. It would have been publicly announced who planned the murder.
But not even the motive for Uritsky’s murder was ever revealed.
In contrast, it is known now that Lenin became furious when
he received reports from Alexander Parvus in Berlin in which it was revealed
that someone in Petrograd had stolen from Lenin. Just before Dzerzhinsky
had travelled to Switzerland to investigate the situation. It turned out
that not all the cargoes had reached Berlin; not all the money had ended
up in the Swiss bank accounts of Lenin and his approved comrades. Some
cargoes of "nationalised" goods had been sent to Sweden, including many
valuable icons (some of these are still on display in the National Museum
in Stockholm), the money had gone into the hands of other people than
Trotsky and Lenin. The guilty parties were soon found, in June 1918. The
main suspects were Uritsky, Volodarsky and Andronnikov (the chief of the
Cheka in Kronstadt). They had stolen whole cargoes and sold everything
through different Scandinavian banks. 78 million roubles in gold had vanished
in this way. (Igor Bunich, "The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992,
p. 41.) The thieves (others were also involved) had stolen goods worth
a total of 2.5 billion roubles in gold. At various auctions in Stockholm
in the autumn of 1995, Russia began buying back valuable antique furniture
which had been illicitly transported to Sweden.
This came as an unpleasant surprise for Parvus, since Uritsky
and Volodarsky had been his favourite disciples. Parvus had founded a
Yiddish newspaper, Arbaiter Stimme (Worker’s Voice) for Uritsky in Copenhagen,
on which Grigory Chudnovsky and Nikolai Gordon (Leiba Alie Hael Gordon)
had also worked. The latter was a Latvian Jew and a close collaborator
with Grigory Zinoviev (Ovsei Radomyslsky).
In Moscow, Lenin promised to solve the problem. And indeed,
Volodarsky was murdered in the same month. Uritsky led the investigation
and learned the truth, upon which he also was murdered.
Kannegisser declared that he had acted alone. The Social Revolutionaries
denied all knowledge of Kannegisser. He had never been a member of their
party.
Even the circumstance that Kannegisser was wearing an officer’s
cap was peculiar when others had hidden their caps to avoid being executed.
It seems he wanted to draw attention to himself. The fact that he ran
into the British Embassy to change was also surprising. He only took off
his leather jacket and put on a longcoat. Why, then, did he run away from
the site of the murder at all? It was also very odd that he managed to
approach Uritsky unhindered and that he was able to escape with the same
ease after shooting him. It was impossible to enter without a special
permit, since there were armed guards at the door. Unknown persons could
not even speak to Uritsky on the telephone. This has been confirmed by
Mikhail Aldanov. Why did no one react? They saw and heard everything!
Mikhail Aldanov demonstrated in his study that Kannegisser
could not shoot. Aldanov knew both him and his family well. How then,
could Kannegisser hit Uritsky in his head like a sharpshooter when the
latter was walking quickly towards the lift? It appears that Kannegisser
was used as a shadowman, just as Leonid Nikolaiev was later used in Kirov’s
murder.
Moreover, Lenin, on the afternoon of the 30th of August 1918,
sent Dzerzhinsky a short letter, where two people who had shot Uritsky
were named. Why has nothing been mentioned about these two later? Who
were they?
The fact that Kannegisser admitted to the crime is irrelevant,
since the Chekist torturers could make anyone admit to anything. In this
case, the opportunity was taken to accuse the right wing of the Social
Revolutionaries of the murder.
It has now been confirmed that the central organisation of
the Cheka, headed by Gleb Boky, was behind Uritsky’s murder. (Igor
Bunich, "The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 47.)
So the motive was to exact revenge on Uritsky for his thefts.
The main purpose was to be given a reason to begin the mass terror. The
murder of Kirov had the same motive. But was there not also another reason
to dispose of Uritsky now that he had solved the mystery of another murder?
V. Volodarsky (Moisei Goldstein) had been murdered under puzzling
circumstances on June 20, 1918. He was the people’s commissary for press,
propaganda and agitation. His murderer was at once stamped as a right
wing Social Revolutionary, despite the fact that he was never caught.
The Bolshevik leadership in Moscow wanted to begin the massacre
immediately. Moisei Uritsky, who investigated the murder of Volodarsky,
refused to agree to this. He suspected the hand of the central leadership
behind this murder. That was why it was impossible to use this murder
as a pretext. Lenin was beside himself with rage. This is clear from Lenin’s
angry telegrams, sent on the 26th of June 1918 to Grigori Zinoviev, the
chairman of the Petrograd Party Committee. Lenin wrote, among other things:
"We in the Central Committee heard today that Piter’s workers want to
respond to Volodarsky’s murder with terror but you (not you personally,
but Piter’s civil servants) held back. I protest strongly!"
The only one who could ignore the demands to begin the terror
was Petrograd’s 45-year-old chief Chekist, Moisei Uritsky. According to
Alexander Kravtsov, this telegram clearly shows that the murder of Volodarsky
was planned and organised by the Cheka under orders from Lenin. This was
confirmed by the historian Igor Bunich.
Kornilov’s
Revolt
The
Supreme Commander of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov (1870-1918),
no longer wanted to take part in the shady game of the revolutionary freemasons.
He broke away from them and began preparations in Mogilev to overthrow
Kerensky’s government. Kornilov understood that those left-wing ministers,
who for many years had been shouting that they could do better than the
Tsar’s ministers were actually perfectly ignorant people.
According to the prevailing myth, the February revolution
was a very positive event. In reality, this coup d’�tat led only
to anarchy, as the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn emphasised in a BBC interview.
On 19 August (1st September), Kornilov ordered his
Cossacks to attack Petrograd. On 25 August (7th September) Kornilov
said to his chief of staff: "It is time to hang the Germans’ supporters
and spies led by Lenin. And we must destroy the soviets so that they can
never assemble again!"
On the same day he sent General Alexander Krymov’s troops
towards Petrograd with orders to hang all soviet members. (John Shelton
Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 50.)
In his proclamation on August 26th (September 8th), (Novoye
Vremya, 11th of September 1917), Kornilov accused the Provisional Government
of co-operating with the Germans to undermine the state and army. He wanted
to dissolve the soviets and demanded that Kerensky should step down and
give the power up to him. Kornilov understood that the Bolsheviks were
the greatest danger to Russia. That was why he wanted them all imprisoned.
Kerensky knew he had been exposed. His game was over. So he
continued releasing imprisoned Bolsheviks. Kozlowski was also set free.
He worked as a Chekist after the Bolsheviks’ take-over of power.
Kerensky was seized with panic and declared on the 27th of
August (September 9th) that Kornilov was a mutineer and officially deprived
him of his command. Kerensky turned to the Bolsheviks for help against
Kornilov to salvage whatever he could. All the Bolsheviks were, as if
by magic, immediately cleared of all charges and presented as the best
possible defenders of democracy. Had not Trotsky said in the United States
that power should be given to whoever was best able to develop democracy
in Russia? The Bolsheviks, however, did everything they could to keep
Kerensky in power. It was still too early for them to take over. The Bolsheviks
had completely "forgotten" Lenin’s slogan: "No support for the Provisional
Government!" ("The Shorter Biography of Lenin", Moscow, 1955, p. 168.)
The Bolsheviks began organising political strikes. They encouraged the
workers and soldiers to defend the government. On the 27th of August the
socialists founded a Central Committee against the counter-revolution
together with the Bolsheviks. They ordered thousands of sailors from Kronstadt
to Petrograd. The workers of Petrograd were forcibly mobilised. The Bolsheviks
threatened to kill them if they did not obey. The Red Guards were immediately
given back the weapons which had been confiscated during the fierce July
days. The soviets began arresting people, primarily those who were suspected
of sympathising with Kornilov. Thousands of officers were arrested in
this way. A total of 7000 politically "suspect" people were arrested.
(John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York,
1957, p. 53.)
The railwaymen were also mobilised and began sabotaging the
railways. Thus Kornilov’s �lite troops were halted and surrounded.
International freemasonry suddenly began using enormous resources
to halt Kornilov, since the appearance of his revolt on the political
scene had not been in the manuscript; he had to be removed by any means
possible, including guile and violence. He was depicted as the worst thing
that ever happened to Russia. Myths about him continue to be spread to
this day. It is even claimed that he was ignorant of politics.
The freemasons began a huge propaganda campaign among Kornilov’s
soldiers who were thoroughly scared and confused. General Alexander Krymov
(a freemason) was invited to negotiations with Kerensky. I do not know
what they threatened Krymov with, but upon leaving this meeting he shot
himself (if it was really he who held the weapon).
The freemasons
succeeded with their combined efforts in stopping Kornilov’s national
troops barely a week later, on 30 August (12th September).
The left-wing leaders have always regarded
right-wing national patriots as the biggest threat to their socialist
worldview. Kornilov was arrested on the 1st (14th) of September but later
managed to escape.
The Bolsheviks immediately took the initiative in the soviets.
On the same day Kornilov was arrested, they gained a majority in the Petrograd
Soviet in the local elections. They became dominant in Moscow on 8
(21) September.
Trotsky was also released from prison on 4 (17)
September. Nobody wanted to remember anything about the July scandal any
longer. Now the time was ripe to prepare a quiet, peaceful transfer of
power. The suitable astrological time for the seizure of power had been
calculated in advance.
The Take-Over
of Power
To
confuse and to camouflage their Illuminist order in Russia, the Bolshevik
leadership intended to call the future regime the Soviet (i.e. Kahal)
regime.
On 21 September 1917, Jakub F�rstenberg sent a telegram
from Stockholm to Raphael Scholan (Shaumann) in Haparanda (it is preserved
in the American National Archives): "Dear comrade! The office of the
banking house M. Warburg has opened in accordance with telegram from president
of Rhenish-Westphalian Syndicate an account for the undertaking of Comrade
Trotsky. The attorney (agent), presumably Mr. Kastroff, purchased arms
and has organised their transportation... And a person authorised to receive
the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky. F�rstenberg."
On 23 September (6 October) Trotsky was elected
chairman of the Petrograd Workers’ and Soldiers’ Soviet, despite his being
neither a soldier nor a worker. Everything was possible among the freemasons.
Meanwhile, the United States demanded ever larger contributions
to the war from Kerensky. The Provisional Government reluctantly complied.
The minister for war affairs, Alexander Verkhovsky, resigned in protest.
It is interesting to note that the American demands ceased immediately
after the Bolsheviks had seized power.
I must point out here that, according to Antony Sutton, different
documents in the archives of the American State Department prove that
David Francis, the American ambassador in Moscow, was kept well-informed
about the Bolsheviks’ plans. The White House knew at least six weeks in
advance when the Bolsheviks would take over power. That event had been
appointed to take place on a date which happened to coincide with Trotsky’s
birthday. So, those plans were known in the United States as early as
the 13th (26th) September 1917.
The president of the United States Woodrow Wilson knew in
advance that the Bolshevik take-over would prolong the world war. But
he did nothing to stop their plans. On the contrary, he did everything
in his power to aid them. The United States of America was the only nation
to make a huge profit on the war. All the other warring powers lost gigantic
sums and came to owe the United States a total of 14 billion dollars.
It has been calculated that the international financial �lite made
a total of 208 billion dollars on the war.
The British government also knew about the Bolshevik plans,
since they also recommended that their subjects leave Moscow at least
six weeks before the take-over. (Antony C. Sutton, "Wall Street and
the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 45.) So it appears both
London and Washington knew who they were dealing with.
The 8th of November came ever closer and the Bolsheviks did
everything in their power to spread apathy among the workers and soldiers,
which they later intended to exploit. They also tried to tempt people
with the magic word: "Peace!", which no longer felt so treasonable.
The Bolshevik Party was not very large at this point. Furthermore,
it had an Illuminist core of 4000 members who were most active. Meanwhile,
the circulation of Pravda decreased from 220 000 to 85 000 copies.
According to Margarita Fofanova, Lenin returned to Petrograd
on the 5th and not the 20th of October, as officially claimed. He stayed
with Fofanova until the take-over. The authorities knew perfectly well
that Lenin was in Petrograd. This was confirmed to an official by Lenin’s
sister Maria. The Provisional Government did not in any way try to pursue
or arrest Lenin.
The Bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general
public was not ignorant about them and least of all the Provisional Government.
Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper
Novaya Zhizn on the 31st of October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of
those plans on a number of occasions. The historian E. M. Halliday admitted
in his book "Russia in Revolution" (Malm�, 1968, p. 114) that the
authorities knew of the Bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they
were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?
For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much
the fact that the Bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over
plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps
to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander
Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested.
(Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986,
p. 37.)
It is of course a fabrication that the leading Bolsheviks
gathered on the 23rd of October (5th of November) in Nikolai Sukhanov’s
(Gimmel’s) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter
Palace. Any other Bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said
that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power
at the Second Soviet Congress on the 25th October (7th of November) anyway.
This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed
a military revolutionary committee on the 12th (25th) of October. The
power was transferred to this organ in secret on the 21st of October (3rd
of November). (Heller and Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p.
38.)
All the available facts today suggest an organised plot and
not any kind of spontaneous action.
Lenin was not seen between the 2nd and 7th of November. He
was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disappeared
from Fofanova’s flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about
Lenin’s mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova’s on the
evening of the 24th of October (6th of November). Neither was he in the
Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book "About
Nadezhda Krupskaya", published in 1988 in Moscow. Nadezhda had come from
Smolny to Fofanova’s flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The
historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not
even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6th of November. According to
other sources, he turned up only on the 7th of November. He had taken
a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: "Es schwindelt!" (I’m
dizzy!). He was in control!
Lenin immediately began threatening with executions if he
was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.
The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny
Girls’ School, was led by Fiodor Dan (actually Gurvich, 1871-1947), one
of the Menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40
in the morning of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government
had been overthrown and the power seized by the soviets. The Soviet Congress
accepted the motion to form a new government -– the Council of People’s
Commissaries (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650.
The government was to be exclusively composed of Bolsheviks with Lenin
at the head. The leader of the Mensheviks, L. Martov, left the congress
together with the other members of his party.
It was actually the military revolutionary committee who had
seized the power. The Bolsheviks modelled it on the revolutionary committees
the Jacobins created during the so-called French Revolution. The committee
in Petrograd consisted of 18 Commissars. Most of them were either Jews
or married to Jewesses. The chairman was Leon Trotsky (Jew). Other members
were: Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin (half-Jew), Adolf Yoffe (Jew), Josef Unschlicht
(Jew), Gleb Boky (Jew), Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Jew), Konstantin Mekhonoshin
(Jew), Mikhail Lashevich (Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Rufin, Jew), P. Lazimir
(Jew), A. Sadovsky (Jew), Pavel Dybenko (married to the Jewess Alexandra
Kollontay), Nikolai Podvoisky, Vyacheslav Molotov (actually Skryabin),
Vladimir Nevsky (Feodosi Krivobokov), Andrei Bubnov and Nikolai Skrypnik.
Lenin and his government gained power temporarily. That was
why he also called his government provisional until the Constituent Assembly
was elected on the 17th of November.
Something inexplicable happened at this point: in fact – nothing
at all happened on the afternoon of the 7th of November. The historians
cannot understand why the Winter Palace was not taken at once. The Soviet
Congress also paused a while. Trotsky went into another room to rest.
It was officially claimed that Lenin was in the building too, and went
to sleep in another room in the afternoon.
At this time Lenin seemed to be but Trotsky’s bloodhound.
At the Soviet Congress, only Trotsky was seen as he now and then came
out to speak with some members. Lenin was nowhere to be seen. He only
sent a few notes to Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Nikolai Podvoisky and
some of the others at the congress. (Sergei Melgunov, "How the Bolsheviks
Seized Power", Paris, 1953.)
According to the myth, about 5000 sailors had already gathered
around the Winter Palace to prepare the storming early in the morning
of the 25th October (7th of November). In actual fact, this building was
taken over by a few hundred "revolutionaries", including 50 Red Guards,
who calmly just marched straight into the palace.
What happened to all of those tens of thousands of "revolutionary
soldiers" who are so warmly spoken of in the history books? This was just
another fabrication, for the Winter Palace was never stormed. It was not
necessary. But to take over the seat of power at a carefully calculated
point in time was a symbolic act with astrological connotations for Lenin
and Trotsky.
That was why Trotsky still wanted to gather as many people
as possible. 235 workers were brought from the Baltic Dockyard. Only 80
were fetched from the Putilov Factory, despite 1500 Red Guards having
been officially registered there. A total of 26 000 worked there. All
the important sites in the city were taken over by a few thousand "revolutionaries"...
The first Red Guards gathered by the Winter Palace only at
around 4:30 in the afternoon, according to the exiled Russian historian
Sergei Melgunov. The chief of the Red Guards, Vladimir Nevsky (who later
became People’s Commissary for Communications), received orders to wait.
At around six o’clock, the principal of the Artillery Academy in Mikhailovsk
ordered his cadets to leave the Winter Palace. The Cossacks also left,
according to Sergei Melgunov’s book "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power"
(Paris, 1953, p. 119).
Eventually only two companies of the women’s battalion and
40 disabled soldiers remained. This cannot be explained in any other way
than that the Provisional Government did everything in its power to hand
the Winter Palace over to the Bolsheviks as peacefully as possible. The
Provisional Government no longer held any power. It was all just a big
show for the public.
The theatres held their performances, the restaurants stayed
open. Nobody noticed that anything strange was going on. The bridge watchmen
had no idea about the real situation, either. Lenin and Trotsky, wishing
to be on the safe side by securing all the transport routes between the
different areas of the city, had bribed all the bridge watchmen.
Time passed and still nothing happened. Everybody waited.
According to the myth, the Bolsheviks had issued an ultimatum to the Provisional
Government, which refused to answer. But how could they issue an ultimatum
to a government which already on the 3rd of November had voluntarily handed
over power to the military revolutionary committee? Besides, Trotsky had
confirmed at 2:35 in the afternoon of the 7th of November that the Provisional
Government no longer existed. At 10 o’clock the Soviet Congress had proclaimed:
"Government power lies with the Military Revolutionary Committee!"
Why it was necessary for Trotsky to put up a show will soon
be evident to the observant reader. Trotsky wanted the whole spectacle
to appear more dramatic than it actually was. For this reason, he had
a number of shells fired from the Peter-Paul Fort while trams continued
to roll over the Troitsky Bridge, according to the British ambassador
Sir George Buchanan (who, by the way, was involved in the deposition of
the Tsar). The remarkable thing was that those shells never hit the Winter
Palace. The official explanation was that they were aimed too badly. But
why could the Bolsheviks not find anyone among all those thousands of
"revolutionary soldiers" who could aim properly? It appears that those
who fired the shells suddenly lost their ability to aim straight. All
those explosions only managed to break one single window. Why were precisely
35 shells fired? Did that number have some Cabbalistic meaning?
The Red Guards waited for a while outside the Winter Palace
despite the absence of guards at the sidedoor, according to M. Heller
and A. Nekrich ("Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 41). Neither did the
Petrograd Garrison take any action against the Bolsheviks. They just watched
the show.
The Red Guards walked around in the city and coerced a few
sailors into following them to the Winter Palace, including Indrikis Ruckulis,
who was a 27-year-old Latvian officer from Kronstadt and the commander
of a group of sailors. He was threatened with death when he refused to
accompany the Red Guards. He asserted that no single shell was fired from
the armoured cruiser Aurora to give the signal for the storming, as was
later claimed (Expressen, the 17th of October 1984). This was another
myth.
There was no storming of the Winter Palace. Everything proceeded
calmly. No blood was spilled. The Red Guards just waited until it was
time to march in. They waited until 1:30 in the morning, according to
Indrikis Ruckulis and several other sources. They opened fire for fifteen
minutes for the sake of appearances. Nobody was hurt during this "battle",
according to a young Marxist, Uralov, who was there. There was nobody
to hurt. The Bolsheviks’ fire was never answered.
The Red Guards and sailors then walked through side doors
into the Winter Palace, according to the historians Mikhail Heller and
Alexander Nekrich, who had found testimonies relating this. The remaining
members of the women’s battalion made no resistance, but "capitulated
immediately". When the Bolsheviks had coolly walked in through the unguarded
entrances, they strolled about in the halls and corridors and greeted
the "defenders", who did not resist, in a friendly manner (E. M. Halliday,
"Russia in Revolution", Malm�, 1968, p. 120). Even E. M. Halliday
confirms that there was never a battle. Only in Moscow was any kind of
resistance offered. The Kremlin was fired upon until three in the morning,
despite the fact that the cadets had left the building by 7 o’clock on
the previous evening.
Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (1883-1937), who was a comrade
of Trotsky, had been given the task of removing the Provisional Government.
Here something extremely puzzling occurred. This was related by Radio
Russia on the 12th of August 1991 at two in the afternoon.
Antonov-Ovseyenko and his Red Guards reached the Malachite
Hall just before two o’clock and waited behind a door leading to the council
chamber of the Provisional Government. The government (without Kerensky)
had, against all reason, gathered there. Why?
Antonov-Ovseyenko just stood looking at the clock. Red Guards
and sailors also stood waiting for Antonov-Ovseyenko’s signal. They waited
there for about ten minutes. He later sent a telegram to Lenin: "The Winter
Palace was taken over at 2:04."
At 2:10 Antonov-Ovseyenko said: "It is time!" ("Par�!")
to the Red Guards. He opened the door and said something very cryptic:
"Gentlemen! Your time is up!"
We may presume that the Bolsheviks officially took over on
the 26th October (8th of November) 1917 at 2:04 in the morning. A closer
astrological investigation reveals that the sun was just then in the precise
centre of the sign of Scorpio (14�58’).
In the horoscope of the Soviet regime, MC (Medium Coeli =
the zenith) lay 4�28’ in Gemini (which stands for power) – an aspect
which was favourable to the seizure of power. This horoscope was the worst
possible for the subjects of the Soviet Union. It shows that everything
was based upon deceit. Only technical development was favoured, spiritual
values were entirely rejected. Only the terrorist powermongers were at
an advantage. According to its horoscope, the Soviet regime brought nothing
good at all into the world. People should have been wary of such a deadly
power. It brought only enormous problems and catastrophes. This interpretation
is confirmed by the Swedish astrologer Anders Ekstr�m in Skyttorp.