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Transcript Debate in British House of Commons 19-12-00
http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/cm200001/cmhansrd/cm001
219/halltext/01219h03.htm#01219h03_head0
The Moluccas
11.30 am
Mr. Edward Leigh (Gainsborough):
I am pleased to have the opportunity to raise the urgent issue of sectarian violence in the
Moluccas islands of Indonesia. According to Moluccan Church leaders, there are 7,000 or more
Islamic militants in the Moluccas waging a violent jihad--a so-called holy war--against Moluccan
Christians. Church leaders believe that the Islamic militants are intent on destroying the
Christian presence in the Moluccas by killing, forcibly converting or driving out all the
Christians.
In many parts of the Moluccas, Christian villages have been wiped out by Islamic militants.
Reports from local churches suggest that 75 per cent. of the island of Ambon has been cleared
of Christians. The Maranatha Church and the Masariku Network, a human rights group, both of
which are based in Ambon, report estimates of 487,000 internally displaced Moluccan
Christians. Of those, about 300,000 have fled the Moluccas islands to other parts of Indonesia.
Semmy Weileruny, one of the Moluccan Church's team of lawyers, states that at least 5,000
Moluccan Christians have been forced to convert to Islam by the Islamic militants, and that
thousands more are under threat of death if they do not convert.
The allegation is that the Islamic militants are assisted by elements of the Indonesian military,
which has also helped to equip them with automatic rifles, hand grenades and even mortars.
Moluccan Church leaders report that, since sectarian violence began in January 1999, at least
455 churches have been destroyed, and more than 5,000 Christians have been killed. Those
figures are, again, according to the Masariku Network.
We think that that is a conservative but reliable estimate. We do not quote estimates with a
considerably higher death rate. Many, perhaps thousands, of Muslims have also been killed.
Muslims and Christians have used violence in the conflict. That is not surprising, given that
Christians have mostly been defending themselves, especially as the Indonesian military is
generally reluctant to protect them. One must be balanced. Some Christians have used
violence out of a desire for revenge, which is unforgivable. They have used violence in more than
self-defence, but we are told that such incidents are rare. One must recognise that there are
aggressors in most conflicts, and that conflict is rarely even handed.
In the Moluccas, the evidence suggests that the aggressors are militant Muslims. That view is
supported by the fact that the situation in the Moluccas had relatively calmed down by April,
but the chances of peace and reconciliation that we had all hoped for between Moluccan
Muslims and Christians were sharply reduced when thousands of Islamic militants from other
parts of Indonesia entered the Moluccas to wage what they described as a holy war against
Moluccan Christians.
The influx of thousands of Islamic fighters from outside pushed the Moluccas into its most
intense phase of violence. The issue will worry the Foreign Office. As the Christian Serbs were
generally viewed as the aggressors against the Muslims in the sectarian conflict in
Kosovo--despite the presence of an armed Muslim 19 Dec 2000 : Column 74WH organisation,
the Kosovo Liberation Army--so, too, the Foreign Office should be prepared to recognise that
there are aggressors in the Moluccas conflict: the Islamic militants, including the group Laskar
Jihad.
The level of violence in the Moluccas is already as bad as, if not worse than, in East Timor, and
we allege that agents of the state--that is, elements of the Indonesian military--are actively
participating in atrocities. The Kostrad unit, a particularly notorious Indonesian army unit, has
been carrying out such abuses. For example, in August 1999, soldiers from the Kostrad unit
herded 25 or more Christians into the Yabok Protestant church in the Galala area of Ambon
and then opened fire on them.
After killing them all, the troops tried to cover up the evidence by cutting up the bodies and
setting fire to them. Until now, the Indonesian authorities do not appear to have punished the
soldiers responsible for that or for any other atrocities. On 19 June 2000, more than 200
Christians were massacred by Muslims in the village of Duma. The Indonesian military did
nothing to stop the slaughter, and Moluccan Church leaders are desperately appealing for
United Nations peacekeepers to come to the Moluccas because they cannot rely on the
Indonesian military to protect the Christian community.
Instead of supporting the request for UN peacekeepers, the Government have chosen to keep
repeating the distinction that East Timor was not recognised by the United Nations as part of
Indonesia but that the Moluccas is. That argument is far from satisfactory. It implies that,
merely because the Moluccas is part of Indonesia, the Indonesian military and Islamic militants
should be left free to destroy the Moluccan Christian community and that, if the Indonesian
Government do not wish to do much to try to stop it, we can do nothing.
That was not the attitude that the Government took when they intervened in Kosovo, which was
part of Serbia at the time. Perhaps it is as a the result of taking a selective approach to
suffering and human rights issues that atrocities in Europe are treated with more gravity than
atrocities in south-east Asia. I do not blame the Government for that attitude. We all suffer from
it.
The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Mr. John Battle ):
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for letting me intervene. The crucial difference is that the
whole UN did not accept East Timor as part of Indonesia, but that the whole UN does accept
the Moluccas as part of Indonesia. It is not only our bilateral relationship with Indonesia that is
at stake, but the role of the UN.
Mr. Leigh : I am grateful to the Minister for that comment, because it reinforces the point that I
am trying to make. The Moluccas are, always have been and always will be part of Indonesia. I
am not speaking on behalf of any sort of independence movement. I contend that, because
everyone knows that the Moluccas always have been, and will remain, part of the UN, western
Governments are reluctant to become involved. East Timor was quite different; it was a former
Portuguese colony and was never recognised as part of Indonesia. It was wrongly invaded by
Indonesia but, because it had an obvious minority Catholic population, 19 Dec 2000 : Column
75WH the west was prepared to act.
This is different; the Moluccas are part of Indonesia. Surely we are not going to accept, simply
because the genocide is taking place somewhere admittedly very far away that is part of
another nation, that we should not become involved, that we should not talk to other members
of the UN to try to put pressure on them to take an interest and, if necessary, to take action?
The intervention in Kosovo and the trials of those responsible for genocide and crimes against
humanity in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda demonstrate that national sovereignty can no
longer be used as an excuse to permit widespread atrocities.
I should be grateful if the Minister were to confirm that that principle is now accepted in the
western community. We cannot be indifferent to such atrocities, wherever in the world they
may be taking place. I emphasise that I am not suggesting a Kosovo-style military intervention
in the Moluccas. I am simply asking that the British Government should do their best to put
maximum pressure on the Indonesian Government to accept United Nations peacekeepers.
The Government imposed an arms embargo on Indonesia over atrocities in East Timor, and
urged the European Union to take steps. They should seriously consider imposing a similar
embargo over the Indonesian Government and military's continued failure to stop the violence in
the Moluccas. The Indonesian military area powerful force in Indonesia. We have strong
bilateral relations with Indonesia and our view is listened to with respect--we have influence
there.
The Indonesian Government have for more than 20 months repeatedly failed to control the same
soldiers who were supposed to restore order but who, instead, have made the Moluccan
situation worse by taking sides with the Islamic fighters and helping to arm them. An arms
embargo would send a strong signal to the Indonesian armed forces that the international
community is deeply concerned about the military's failure to act neutrally in the Moluccas and
its participation in several of the atrocities that have occurred.
I hope that the Minister will consider that point. Mrs. Hanja Maij-Weggen, the European
Parliament's rapporteur on the relationship between the European Union and Indonesia,
recently returned from a working visit to Indonesia. She says that the situation is still
disastrous and that things are worse than they were in East Timor in 1999, when the United
Nations decided to send a peacekeeping force.
She writes: For the people of the Moluccas, and for the Moluccan community in the
Netherlands, it is unacceptable that the international community intervened in 1999, but not
now. Aid is not enough, if the government doesn't quickly restore order to the Moluccas, a role
for the international community can no longer be ruled out. In light of those comments and of
the systematic destruction of the Moluccan Christian community, it is time for the Government
to put as much pressure as possible on the Indonesian Government to accept UN
peacekeepers in the .
We should consider the attitude of the United Nations to this question. Farhan Haq, a
spokesman for the UN, has said that the organisation is ready to play a role in resolving the
violence in the Moluccas, if the Indonesian Government desire it. 19 Dec 2000 : Column 76WH
Indonesia's state-appointed national human rights commission has declared that UN
intervention is needed in the Moluccas as the Government have failed to stop the violence.
Despite the UN's willingness to help and the view taken by Indonesia's human rights
commission, Abdurrrahman Wahid, the Indonesian president, obstinately continues to refuse to
allow UN peacekeepers into the Moluccas. The only chance of saving the Moluccan Christian
community from eventual destruction is intervention by UN peacekeepers. The mistakes and
tragedies in the Moluccas in the past 23 months show that no other credible security force can
intervene and restore order.
Moderate Muslims and Christians have demonstrated in Jakarta, calling for urgent intervention
in the Moluccas by UN peacekeepers. They argue that what is happening in the Moluccas is
nothing short of religious and cultural genocide.
Mr. Battle :
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for giving way and for introducing this debate, which allows
us to discuss particular points in detail. He said that he was not asking for a military
intervention in the Moluccas. During the difficulties in East Timor, I was party to the
discussions to persuade the then Indonesian authorities to invite the UN peacekeepers to
come in. If they had failed to invite the UN in, I do not think that even the hon. Gentleman would
have argued for sending in troops and fighting our way into Indonesia. Does he suggest that
that should happen in these circumstances? Does he expect British soldiers to go into the
Moluccas?
Mr. Leigh :
No; but, if the Minister will excuse me, I will throw the question back at him. Has he invited the
Indonesian Government to allow UN peacekeepers into the Moluccas, as he did so effectively
in the case of East Timor, on which I congratulate him?
Mr. Battle :
If the Indonesians invite the UN peacekeepers, our offer to support and accept that invitation is
there. We have regularly made it plain to the Indonesian authorities that we view what is
happening in the Moluccas with great concern. I will spell that out in detail in my response.
Mr. Leigh :
I am grateful for that little debate because, although the answer was not absolutely firm, it has
highlighted that our Government are happy for the UN to go in. They have expressed their
concern. However, I want the Minister to convince me that he is putting pressure on the
Indonesian Government to invite UN peacekeepers in.
Mr. Battle :
I have made it plain throughout our debates on this subject, and in my regular correspondence
with the hon. Gentleman, that we would stand by the Indonesians if they felt that they could not
resolve the situation.
Mr. Leigh :
I am grateful to the Minister for his interventions. We believe that mass forced conversions are
going on. More than 1,000 Christians in Bacan island in the northern Moluccas have been
forced by Muslim militants to change their religion. There is not enough time to give all the
many examples that I have. An 19 Dec 2000 : Column 77WH ultimatum has been given that
those Christians in Bacan who do not convert by 31 December will be killed. One of the
Christian pastors in Bacan was caught by Islamic militants, tortured and killed. And so it goes
on. On Seram island, about 400 Christians from Hatu village and 300 from Hatumete were told
by Islamic militants that they had until 30 November 2000 to convert.
I apologise for reading out all these examples but it is important to get them on the record. Mr.
Weileruny, whom I have quoted before, reports that eight people were killed in the attacks on
Christian villages. About 3,000 fled to the forests. Their attackers, including Muslims from the
Gorong island group, pursued them and had captured about 671 of them by the next day. So
far, about 93 Moluccan Christians have been killed by Islamic militants on Kasiui island for
refusing to convert to Islam.
About 760 Christians on Kasiui island are reported to have been forced to convert, as have 75
Christians in Bonvia, 215 Christians in Solan and 300 Christians in Dawang villages. The list
goes on and on. The conflict in the Moluccas appears to be part of a general attempt to
promote violence against non-Muslims, especially Christians, throughout Indonesia. Indonesia
is the largest Muslim country in the world. However, its constitution is based not on Islam, but
on Pancasila, the five principles. The first principle is belief in God. Since the formation of
Indonesia's first constitution in 1945, some Muslims have tried to change the multi-religious
basis of the country's constitution to one that that is solely based on Islam. The apparent goal
of the Islamic militants is to Ilsamicise by force not only the Moluccas but Indonesia as a
whole. Attempts have already been made to provoke sectarian violence in provinces with large
Christian populations such as Sulawesi. That attempt to change the Indonesian constitution
and impose Islamic Sharia law was made by Muslim parties during the Indonesian
parliamentary session in August 2000.
The incitement by Islamic militants of anti-Christian violence throughout Indonesia is likely to
trigger widespread violence and chaos, and that will probably weaken and ultimately unseat the
Government of President Wahid if we do nothing. There was the incident of the armoured car,
although there is not time to go into it in detail. There has been correspondence between the
Minister and Lord Alton about it. The present Government are not responsible for exporting the
car to Indonesia but it is reported to have been involved in attacks there.
The Government have denied that it was used in attacks but I hope that they will send
someone out to check the story. Richard Lloyd Parry of The Independent who was on the spot
quoted Andi Jatmiko as saying: The military were definitely helping the Muslim side attack the
Christians and the Saladin was part of that. I hope that the Foreign Office will check that story,
as it is extremely worrying. It shows just how concerned we should be about the use of British
military resources that have been sold to the Indonesian Government. That was not the first
time that British armoured units have been misused in the Moluccas.
On December 26 1999, the Silo Protestant church in Ambon was attacked and destroyed by
Indonesian troops and Muslim militants. 19 Dec 2000 : Column 78WH Indonesian soldiers took
part in the attack and even used the British-made Saladin armoured car in the assault.
What action are the British Government taking to persuade the Indonesian authorities to stop
the Islamic militants from mass forced conversions of Christians in the Moluccas? Will the
British Government urge the Indonesian Government swiftly to evacuate all Christians from
Muslim-controlled areas of the Moluccas to rescue them from pressures to convert to Islam
and place strong pressure on the Indonesian Government to accept United Nations
peacekeepers in the Moluccas?
Will the British Government, if necessary, institute an arms embargo on Indonesia and urge the
European Union to do likewise, at least until the sectarian violence in the Moluccas is
stopped? The Moluccas are one of the few areas in the world where such large numbers of
Christians are being killed or forced to change their religion. I hope that the Government will
show a strong sense of urgency about the matter and not be deterred from taking action,
despite the islands being so far away. I was recently given a book about the spice islands by
Giles Milton called "Nathaniel's Nutmeg: How One Man's Courage Changed the Course of
History"--
Mr. Battle : I have read it.
Mr. Leigh :
I am delighted that the Minister has read it. At one time in our history, the spice islands were
incredibly important economically because of their nutmeg. The book states: Nutmeg, the seed
of the tree was the most coveted luxury in 17th century Europe, a spice held to have such
powerful medicinal properties that men would risk their lives to acquire it. Always costly, it
rocketed in price when the physicians of Elizabethan London began to claim that their nutmeg
pomanders were the only certain cure for the plague...But nutmeg came from much further
east, from the fabled Indies, which lay far beyond Europe's myopic horizons. Ships had never
before plied the tropical waters of the Indian Ocean and maps of the far side of the globe
remained a blank.
The East, as far the spice dealers were concerned, could have been the moon. As far as much
of the British press is concerned, it is the moon. There were oceans of column inches at the
weekend about what our politicians are or are not saying about each other, but how much
coverage was there of the slaughter and the genocide in the islands? How many British
journalists go there? I would not be surprised if there were none, but I wonder how many will
cover Madonna's wedding? I do not expect reportage of this debate but I do expect British
journalists to take an interest in genocide, torture and forced conversions. I also ask the
Foreign Office to take the matter seriously. The Minister invited me to a briefing on Burma,
where we heard lots of harrowing stories. At the end of the briefing, when someone from a
well-known Christian human rights group stood up to make allegations, a Foreign Office person
of ambassadorial rank, a senior former diplomat, who had already spoken, said, "Oh, my God,"
in a tone of exasperated contempt. 19 Dec 2000 : Column 79WH The Minister, whom I respect,
does not take that attitude; he takes a genuine interest in human rights.
At prayer meetings with ministerial colleagues--Conservative Ministers held them every morning
when we were in power, although not much praying went on--and when he talks to the Foreign
Secretary, I ask him to raise the issue to ensure that his office takes a stand. If the Minister
visits the islands and does what I know he can do, he can save lives. Several hon. Members
rose-- Mr. Nicholas Winterton (in the Chair ): Order. Three Members have sought to catch my
eye, all of whom will be able to speak if they keep their remarks relatively short.
11.53 am
Mr. Win Griffiths (Bridgend):
I shall try to do so, Mr. Deputy Speaker. I congratulate the hon. Member for Gainsborough (Mr.
Leigh) on raising the urgent issue of human rights abuses that are part of the sectarian conflict
in the Moluccas, which seems to be more than an internal matter. It appears that Islamic
fighters in the Moluccas are receiving assistance from radical foreign Muslims in carrying out
their objective of exterminating the Christian community.
Reports from the Catholic Church in the Moluccas indicate that non-Indonesians, including
Afghans, southern Philippinos, Pakistanis and Saudi Arabians, have been fighting alongside
Islamic militants. The leader of Laskar Jihad, the main Islamic militant group attacking
Moluccan Christians, has stated publicly that it receives financial backing from people in Saudi
Arabia, Jordan and Yemen. All those actions are in line with the general tendency of radical
Islamic movements to possess agendas on both a national and international scale.
Victory in the Moluccas will encourage Islamic militants to take their violent and intolerant
agenda to other parts of Indonesia with large non-Muslim communities. With more than 20
million Christians in Indonesia, such tactics will, if left unchecked, result in horrific chaos and
bloodshed and have serious consequences for the region's stability. Recently, there have been
repeated Muslim attacks on the remaining pockets of Christians on Ambon island and in
Halmahera.
Such attacks appear to be an attempt to exterminate what is left of the Christian presence in
those areas. Following threats by Islamic militants that no church bells will be ringing in Ambon
by Christmas day, Christians in Halmahera and Ambon are worried about a possible major
Muslim offensive around that time. In anticipation of such an attack, some Christians are
celebrating Christmas early this year.
Sectarian violence has raged in the Moluccas for 23 months, but the Indonesian Government
and military have repeatedly demonstrated their unwillingness to do whatever is necessary to
end it and protect the Moluccan Christian community, which faces impending annihilation at
the hands of Islamic militants. Moluccan Christians are besieged on all sides and elements of
the Indonesian military are working in close co-operation with Islamic militants to wipe out
Christians. 19 Dec 2000 : Column 80WH
Moluccan Church leaders know that they cannot rely on the Indonesian military to protect their
community, so they continue to appeal desperately for United Nations peacekeepers to come
to the Moluccas.
However, while failing to stop the systematic destruction of the Moluccan Christian community,
President Abdurrahman Wahid refuses to allow UN peacekeepers to enter the Moluccas. For
nearly two years, Moluccan Christian leaders have called repeatedly for UN peacekeepers to
be sent to the Moluccas, for UN human rights monitors to be allowed to investigate atrocities
committed in those islands and for those responsible for such atrocities to be punished.
Since the influx of thousands of Islamic militants into the Moluccas in April, the violence has
escalated sharply and desperate appeals have been made for the Indonesian Government and
military to remove those Muslim fighters from the Moluccas islands. Until now, the Indonesian
Government have ignored those requests. As a result, Islamic fighters have overrun most
Christian areas of the Moluccas and thousands of Christians in Muslim-controlled areas are
confronted with the difficult choice of converting to Islam or being killed.
The very least that the Indonesian Government should do is evacuate Christians from
Muslim-controlled areas so that they can escape the pressure to change their religion, but they
have not taken even that measure. The usual Indonesian Government solution of simply
sending more troops to the scene of unrest is likely only to make the situation worse, until
those soldiers are willing to conduct themselves neutrally and responsibly, instead of lending
their manpower and firepower to the Islamic militants' cause.
The Indonesian Government have verbally expressed many concerns about the Moluccas
conflict, but little practical action has been taken in the past 23 months to end the violence. As
the hon. Member for Gainsborough pointed out, that violence also results in Muslim fatalities.
The mayhem that has been created in the Moluccas causes deaths and casualties on both
sides, but those responsible for atrocities continue to walk free and cause destruction.
Evidence has been produced of British armoured vehicles being used to commit human rights
abuses in the Moluccas, yet it appears that the British Government have not thoroughly
investigated that claim. I should like to hear the Minister's view. Violence caused by Islamic
militants is unlikely to end with the Moluccas, as their objective appears to be to islamicise the
whole of Indonesia.
It should thus be in President Wahid's interest to stop the Muslim fighters in the Moluccas
now, before their powers grow any further and they are encouraged by victory to seek further
conquests in other provinces of Indonesia. The minimum that the British Government should be
doing is to impose an arms embargo on Indonesia and to urge the European Union to do the
same, at least until the Indonesian Government agree to permit the entry of UN peacekeepers
into the Moluccas.
The British Government, along with their European partners, should also put strong and
continual pressure on the Indonesian authorities to stop the forced conversions, evacuate the
Moluccan Christians from Muslim-controlled areas, bring justice to the civilians and soldiers
who are responsible for atrocities, and remove the Islamic fighters from the Moluccas. If the 19
Dec 2000 : Column 81WH Indonesian Government are not prepared to take such action, Britain
and the European Union should contemplate other sanctions besides an arms embargo against
Indonesia. It is misleading to think that the situation in the Moluccas has really improved while
forced mass conversions and attacks on Christians continue.
Such conduct by Islamic militants creates doubts about their willingness to make peace and
the possibility of reconciliation between Muslims and Christians in the Moluccas--an outcome
that I should dearly welcome. I hope that the Minister will be able to make such an outcome
possible by means of diplomatic channels at national, European Union and United Nations
levels. Perhaps the Indonesian Government will then intervene evenhandedly to bring peace in
conditions in which good will can be re-established. Unfortunately, it is too late for the
Christmas message of peace and good will to be a reality in the Moluccas in the Christmas
celebrations of 2000, but I hope that there will be a change for the better in 2001 and that that
message will be a reality at Christmas 2001.
12.1 pm
Rev. Martin Smyth (Belfast, South):
For 500 years Christians and Muslims have lived with each another peacefully in the Moluccas.
We want to return to that situation, which is vital for the well-being of Indonesia. The hon.
Member for Gainsborough (Mr. Leigh) developed the debate effectively, but said that it was
unlikely that the world media would pay much attention to it. All that I can say is that having
initiated a similar debate when I was in Australia with the Commonwealth Parliamentary
Association delegation in September, I was informed that that debate was the first to alert the
world to what was happening.
I trust that the present debate will likewise stir up people, and particularly Governments, so that
they will not remain silent in the United Nations or other arenas, but will use their influence to
maintain pressure on the Indonesian authorities. I do not want to speak at length because time
is pressing, but I remind the Minister that the involvement of the Kostrad group in East Timor
was a factor in the extreme way in which the situation developed. It was not defending but
persecuting the citizens. It is important that that group and others like it should be restrained
by the lawful authorities in Indonesia for the well-being of the whole country. The authorities
tried earlier to stop Jihad people going to the Moluccas.
Unfortunately, because of our concept of civil liberties, they were allowed to enter because they
had no weapons on them. The weapons entered by another route and some have since been
supplied by the armed forces serving in Molucca. We need to keep up the pressure. The
tragedy is that the Moluccas and Ambon have been a haven of light in their area for centuries.
The outstanding university in Ambon has been ravaged and burnt, and now there are plans to
replace it with an Islamic centre on the same site. The Indonesian Government are trying to be
fair and even-handed, but they are unlikely to be able to do so unless the 19 Dec 2000 :
Column 82WH international community combines to maintain pressure on them to restore
property and land to families driven out of their communities after seeing many relatives put to
death. I know that others want to speak, but I wanted to make those simple points to enforce
what the hon. Members for Gainsborough and for Bridgend (Mr. Griffiths) said.
We are deeply concerned--we know that the Minister is worried--because we are not convinced
that our representatives in the United Nations have pressed for UN input. It is not enough for
one Government to maintain pressure. That job must be for the world population, especially
when we realise that there are those outwith Indonesia who participate in the extermination of
communities. It is not only Christians who have become victims of the jihad, but moderate
Muslims who oppose what is happening. We cannot stand idly by while claiming to be human.
12.6 pm
Mrs. Cheryl Gillan (Chesham and Amersham): I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for
Gainsborough (Mr. Leigh) on securing the debate. I, too, will try to be brief, because I am
interested in the Minister's response. The contributions made by the hon. Members for
Bridgend (Mr. Griffiths) and for Belfast, South (Rev. Martin Smyth) should have given the
Minister the message that there is a high level of concern about the Moluccas. It would be
wrong of me to speak without acknowledging the tremendous work of Christian Solidarity
Worldwide and the Jubilee campaign. Both have been consistent in pressing the case of the
Moluccas.
I was privileged to meet the Rev. John Titaley earlier this year, who, at some danger to himself,
came here to brief parliamentarians on the dreadful situation in the Moluccas. The case of the
Moluccas is especially tragic, as was pointed out by the hon. Member for Belfast, South,
because for centuries Christians and Muslims lived side by side in peace. The islands were
models of religious harmony, but the tensions that built up during recent years have exploded
into the dreadful sectarian violence in which many thousands of people have been killed and
more than 250,000 displaced. Even now, more violence is threatened. It seems as though the
situation is set to reach a tragic conclusion, unless the Indonesian Government demonstrate
the political will to stop the violence, and friendly Governments such as ours help to give them
the backbone to take action in the Moluccas.
It is appalling that religiously motivated massacres take place almost weekly in what amounts
to systematic extermination of an entire religious community. The level of concern expressed in
the Chamber today possibly understates what is happening in those islands. The causes of the
current conflict are complex. They include demographic, economic and political factors as well
as religious ones. For example, the former Government's policy of encouraging large numbers
of settlers into the region upset the demographic balance. The Christians started to be
marginalised in local government, the military and the police force, and there were more
injustices and tensions. All that was exacerbated by the arrival of large numbers of
self-proclaimed jihad warriors.
There was great concern 19 Dec 2000 : Column 83WH about the tremendous influxof people,
primarily men, who stated that their aim was to remove the Christians from the island. It has
become clear from comments made by Laskar Jihad that the threats that have been issued are
unacceptable. Indeed, they make one's blood run cold. The threat to which the hon. Member for
Bridgend referred was that there will be no church bells ringing in Ambon by Christmas.
That is probably the most appalling thing that we have heard in this Chamber for some time. On
the official Laskar Jihad website, the Muslims apparently refer to celebrating a bloody
Christmas this year. I hope that the Minister will comment on the statements made by Laskar
Jihad, and explain what representations the Government plan to make to the Indonesian
Government, especially about such violent and inflammatory statements. We have heard some
blood-chilling examples of individual massacres and murders, which I do not want to repeat.
However, I want to ask the Minister a couple of questions, which I hope he will answer when he
winds up. Last week, during a debate on arms export controls, I drew attention to a report on
the BBC website that the French had offered arms to Indonesia in exchange for a maritime
exploration licence. Will the Minister comment on that in the light of remarks that have been
made on the EU code of conduct? A response was not provided by the Minister of State, the
hon. Member for Neath (Mr. Hain) during last week's debate, nor by Baroness Ramsay in
another place yesterday, to a question on the Moluccas.
Such an answer would be helpful, because to sit back and idly say, "We will not make any
comment on the French arms situation" is, in light of the concerns expressed by hon.
Members, not good enough. I hope that the Minister has come armed with the latest
information on the French situation and, likewise, on the reports of the sale or donation of arms
by Jordan to Indonesia. Defence Minister Mahfud in Indonesia has said that the US embargo
has semi-crippled the military capability in Indonesia. I hope that the Minister will say how
successful that embargo was and whether he plans to make further representations on the
arms situation, either to other countries with which we have diplomatic relations or to our
colleague countries in the European Union.
The Government's response in another place yesterday contained many warm words. Indeed,
Baroness Ramsay said: All that the international community can do at the moment is support
the democratic regime of President Wahid and try to give him all the help we can in his efforts
to find peaceful solutions to the problems of his country.--[Official Report, House of Lords, 18
December 2000; Vol. 620, c. 567.] I share that sentiment, as do the other speakers in this
debate. I hope that the Minister, who is in charge of such matters, will go a little further and
provide hard facts as to what he has done, what help has been given and what support has
been offered. For example, has there been an exchange of correspondence between Her
Majesty's Government and the President of Indonesia that does not merely contain warm words
and sympathy but offers practical advice and help? If so, I hope that, in the spirit of this debate,
the Minister will place such correspondence in the Library for hon. Members to see. 19 Dec
2000 : Column 84WH It would be good to know that our Government are taking an active role
and not merely relying on warm words and sympathy. A clear message should go out today
from this Chamber, the British Government and all hon. Members that there is no place for
such slaughter anywhere in the world and certainly not in Indonesia.
I had the great privilege of visiting that country last year and I must admit that I was impressed
by the people whom I met and the prospects for prosperity and peace. It is a bitter pill to
swallow that a section of the Indonesian people are being systematically wiped out in such
murder. In echoing the words of the hon. Member for Bridgend, I hope that the Minister can
offer more than mere comfort, so that a message can go out to the people of the Moluccas at
Christmas 2000 that the British people are behind them and that we will help to restore peace
in that area of the world.
12.14 pm
The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Mr. John Battle ):
I sincerely thank the hon. Member for Gainsborough (Mr. Leigh) for raising the issue of what is
happening in the Moluccas. It is important that such matters are debated. In the world of
economic globalisation, I believe that the campaign for justice and peace internationally should
be global, and I am sure that we share the hon. Gentleman's sentiments about the attention to
such matters sometimes being less than negligible. I thank also my hon. Friend the Member
for Bridgend (Mr. Griffiths), the hon. Member for Belfast, South (Rev. Martin Smyth) and the
spokesperson for the Opposition, the hon. Member for Chesham and Amersham (Mrs. Gillan).
All who have spoken in the debate have sustained a high level of commitment to what is
happening, whether in writing to me, encouraging others to write to me, tabling early-day
motions and in meetings with me.
I want to continue such meetings, as I do with the Jubilee Campaign and Christian Solidarity
Worldwide, which have contacts in the Moluccas islands through the churches and on the net.
The information is valuable and makes it known that we are as aware as we can be of what is
going on. Having said that, what do we do about it? A tragedy is taking place there and we all
share the sense of urgency. Horrific events have unfolded this year. In fact, they go back further
than that. We deplore the activities that have brought such pain, suffering and loss to the
communities in the Moluccas over the past 18 months.
The hon. Member for Gainsborough asked whether we recognised the role of Laskar Jihad.
Yes, we do. We kept tracks on those ships that carried its people from Java to the Moluccas.
They were not armed, but they claimed that they were free to move about. That was a worrying
development. We do not support Laskar Jihad, and nor do the Indonesian Government. I want
to challenge some of the points that have been made. It is not true that no one in Laskar Jihad
has been touched. On 5 July, 250 members of the group were arrested by the Indonesian navy,
soon after the Duma massacre. I assure hon. Members that a blind eye has not been taken to
such problems.
The Indonesian military were instrumental in restoring order in North Maluku. The conflict in the
Moluccas has complex origins that go back many years. I also recommend "Nathaniel's
Nutmeg" as a good read. It ties in 500 years of history of 19 Dec 2000 : Column 85WH the
Dutch, Portuguese and the British colonial traders in those islands fighting for control of them
with their rich treasures. That colonial trading left Indonesia with a legacy of a diverse mix of
Catholic, Protestant and Muslim traditions and local customs, and more than 150 different
dialects. On 23 and 25 October, I visited Sulawesi, an island in the direction of the Moluccas,
which was too dangerous to visit at the time.
I never fail to be amazed by the sheer size of Indonesia, with its 212 million people and 17,000
islands that stretch across 3,000 miles. The Indonesian archipelago is a huge continent. I
emphasise that, because sometimes it merely seems that the Indonesia islands are a few
small dots on the map. As the hon. Gentleman said, we must take seriously what is happening
in the Moluccas. The rough split of 40 per cent. Christians and more than 50 per cent. Muslims
is rare in Indonesia, but it has existed in the Moluccas since the sixteenth century.
Communities have lived peacefully in close proximity for centuries. The Dutch exerted a strong
influence over the islands until Indonesia became independent in 1949. Soeharto ruled it with
an iron fist until 1998. We must remember the breakthrough in September 1999, with the
democratic election of President Wahid and civilian control of the army--for the first time for
generations.
Given that move towards democracy in Jakarta, there has been increasing pressure at the
periphery for a relationship between the edges and the centre. As we know, tension has been
at the edges of the archipelago. In January 1999, violence and destruction erupted between
Christian and Muslim communities in the Moluccas.
It is generally agreed by the United Nations that the peak of that violence was between
December 1999 and January 2000--this time last year. Thousands died, hundreds of buildings
were destroyed and more than 150,000 people were forced from their homes. We urged the
Indonesians to pursue conflict resolution, and we raised the matter with the authorities. I say to
the hon. Member for Chesham and Amersham that it was not a case of saying that we support,
as we all do, the democratic forces in the emerging democracy. We must go further and say
that, because of the conflict, the process does not appear to be working. We want the conflict
resolved, and we have made that plain. A UN resource centre was established.
The United Nations Development Programme undertook humanitarian assistance and there
was a period of relative calm. However, violence flared in the summer following the arrival of the
Laskar Jihad extremists, and the escalation of the violence illustrated the fragility of the
reconciliation that had been worked through in the previous months. That matter was raised
with the Indonesian authorities, including the movements of Laskar Jihad, and our people in
Jakarta supported that.
To add to the complexity, it is sometimes difficult when those even in the other place approach
me, write to me and suggest that we give more support to some of those opposing Laskar
Jihad. I point out that the issue is not always clear-cut. It is sometimes suggested that the
conflict is simply Christian-Muslim. It is not. Social, economic and political tensions exist
between local interests that are also factors. It is essential to 19 Dec 2000 : Column 86WH
understand that violence affects all communities. Christians and Muslims alike have been
victims and perpetrators of attacks and atrocities.
Churches and mosques have been destroyed. In the past few days, I have obtained the latest
report from our ambassador, which describes an attack on a speedboat carrying Muslims that
triggered further violence in Ambon in November, although the situation has been calm since
the beginning of December. The North Maluku governor reports that progress continues, with
grass roots peace agreements now in place between Christian and Muslim communities in
Halmahera. The two Christian provincial parliamentarians have already returned to Ternate. The
report states: On 18 November a speedboat carrying 16 Moslems from Ambon to Siri Sori
Islam, the only remaining Islamic village on Saparua Island, disappeared. On 21 November the
bodies of two mutilated female passengers washed ashore in Ambon.
The UN Resource Centre, based in Ambon, tell us this was followed by tit-for-tat attacks on
speedboats, sniper fire and bombing, which lasted until 7 December. For the last week the
situation has been better but this may only be temporary. On 30 November the Diocese of
Ambon Crisis centre reported coordinated attacks on the four Christian villages on Kasiui
Island, also known as Keswui, south east of Seram. The villages of Utta, Karlomin, Wunin and
Tanasoa were destroyed between 23-28 November.
The Crisis Centre reports that between nine and 91 were killed, with up to 700 Christians
imprisoned and being forced to convert to Islam. However, on 13 December the Crisis Centre
withdrew their earlier statements and said they would wait until the mixed-faith investigation
team from the Governor's office reported their findings. The National Commission on Human
Rights (KomnasHAM) are participating in the team which left Ambon on 13 December.
The Crisis Centre reported that on 10 December Moslems had attacked Catholic villages on the
neighbouring Tior island. An unknown number of IDPs-- internally displaced persons-- had fled
to the nearby Kai Islands, SE Maluku. I read that out not simply to say, "Is it one lot or
another--is it Christians or Muslims?" We need to know the truth about what is happening, but,
crucially, we must put on the pressure to resolve the basic conflict and crisis.
Calm was broken on 7 December, when unidentified assailants attacked a boat carrying 40
Muslims from Ternate to Halmahera. The important point, however, is that we are now working
together, trying to exert pressure internationally, but also trying to ensure that there are conflict
prevention measures on the ground to work with the communities in an attempt to remove the
violence. Despite reports of over-reaction and partisanship from a number of police and military
units, the role of the police and the military is generally not as negative as is sometimes
suggested.
A naval blockade is in place to stop more Laskar Jihad boats going to the island. That is
welcome. The marine commander has proved especially effective in North Maluku. The death
toll would almost certainly have been higher if personnel had not been deployed or had been
withdrawn from the province. As a result of the violence, the European heads of mission visited
the Moluccas to see the devastation and to consider how best to deliver humanitarian
assistance and support for conflict resolution. In October this year, the delegation visited
Ambon in Maluku province and Ternate in North Maluku.
It reported that Ambon resembled Beirut in the 1980s and that warring 19 Dec 2000 : Column
87WH communities were separated in devastated streets, living with daily bombs and gunfire.
However, the situation in North Maluku improved greatly when order was restored, largely as a
result of the marine commander's efforts. The deputy governor believes that there is a strong
desire for peace and reconciliation.
Mrs. Gillan :
I am grateful to the Minister for giving way, especially as he is running out of time. Does he find
it ironic that, at the same time as the EU is sending a mission to the region to try to bring aid
and relief, the Defence Minister reports that the French are offering arms in exchange for
maritime exploration licences? Will the Minister tell me what he knows about that?
Mr. Battle :
I know little more than the hon. Lady. Those allegations have been made, and I urge the French
strictly to apply the terms of the EU code of conduct on the sale of arms. I shall be happy to
raise the matter with them at the appropriate time. The idea is to calm the situation down and
to ease, not heighten, tensions. Peace agreements are now in place in Christian Tobelo and
Muslim Galela in north Halmahera, and internally-displaced persons are returning home. The
governor of North Maluku has persuaded two Christian provincial parliamentarians to return to
Tenate, which will allow them to work in the communities.
The UN and the international NGOs have started to deal with the immediate humanitarian
problems, and we have worked closely with them to establish the mechanisms to deliver
assistance. Peace in the Moluccas is fragile. We are concerned about recent incidents such
as attacks and forced imprisonments in Christian villages on Kasiui island and the attack on a
boat carrying Muslims to which I referred. I am often asked about the possibility of UN military
intervention in the Moluccas.
I must repeat that the situation is very different from that in East Timor. The 19 Dec 2000 :
Column 88WH UN Security Council did not recognise East Timor as part of Indonesia. To draw
a parallel--without wishing to be offensive--I remember its being suggested that a UN
peacekeeping force should be sent into Northern Ireland. People were not keen on that,
because it was felt to be an internal security matter within the United Kingdom. We must
respect such boundaries.
Even in the context of the EU report, to which the hon. Member for Gainsborough referred, the
role of the international community cannot be ruled out. I hope that I made that plain to the hon.
Gentleman in our exchange. We must wait for an invitation to intervene, thus respecting the
democratic sovereignty of Indonesia now that it is established. However, that does not mean
that we will not continue to put pressure on the Indonesian Government. We regularly raise
such matters with the authorities, Government and President of Indonesia, as I make clear in
my replies to hon. Members' questions on the subject. President Wahid's reform-minded
Government are intent on halting the violence. The people of the Moluccas want peace, not
independence.
That is the specification, although it is different in other parts of Indonesia. Nationalist tensions
are running very high in Jakarta. The UK is actively trying to find ways of providing practical
back-up and support. We funded two events promoting reconciliation and conflict prevention
and we have helped to put people on the ground to work on those matters. The hon. Member
for Gainsborough mentioned journalists and the fair reporting of events.
Reporting crisis, tension and war is a difficult business, and this year we have worked to
ensure that journalists in the Moluccas participate in training programmes. The Department for
International Development seconded a specialist to help establish mechanisms for managing
the humanitarian response of the entire UN, and we are considering funding further conflict
prevention work. As recently as last week, I discussed Indonesia's efforts with Foreign Minister
Shihab at the EU-Association of South-East Asian Nations foreign ministers' meeting in
Vientiane, and offered further practical support.
19 Dec 2000 : Column 87WH
19 Dec 2000 : Column 89WH
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