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The structure of this section is as follows:
A good proportion of those with balloonism cannot recall any particular incident that triggered their balloonism. Of those who can, many trace the origin of their condition back to early childhood. This agrees with the psychological view that fetishes have their onset during childhood, and become explicitly sexual during adolescence [Campion: ‘Fetishism’].
The earliest recollections of a surprisingly large proportion of the group involves fear of balloons. In several cases, this fear was a fully developed phobia specifically concerning balloons (although some members also possessed a fear or phobia of other objects capable of producing loud and unexpected sounds, such as fireworks). This situation sometimes resulted in quite severe social problems or traumas when balloons were encountered in public, such as at parties. This in turn lead to many of the afflicted members attempting to desensitise themselves, or just explore their fear, by interacting with balloons in a normal manner (typically, by endeavouring to inflate them).
A perhaps related scenario involves recollections of seeing a balloon being ‘teased’, for example, by holding a pin near to it. Many members appear to have acquired their interest in balloons from seeing balloons being used in exciting situations, such as in television game shows. Sometimes the game involved bursting balloons (occasionally using such unpredictable methods as overinflation or sitting), and the competitors were often physically attractive to the member.
In some cases, the mere presence of balloons in a situation that was itself sexually exciting may have been the initiating trigger. An example is an encounter with a potential sexual partner during early puberty at a party at which balloons were prominent.
A number of members of the group had their first orgasms directly with balloons (see Sexual Climax). This was usually early in puberty, although some members claim much earlier ages for this. For many, a basic interest in balloons seems to have been already established prior to the first explicitly sexual experiences.
A small but significant number of people have acquired balloonism from their partners while in their 20s or 30s. This appears to be especially true of females, who are introduced to it by male partners. Usually, this involves one partner initially obliging the other by acquiescing to their desire for balloons to be involved in their sexual activity, and then retaining the interest independently. There are quite a few cases where the ‘conversion’ to balloonism has proved to be more enduring than the relationship that started it.
A study by Sadowski concludes that ‘both male body size and balloon size are important components in determining male mating success…’. This would appear to be a very relevant and significant finding. However, the subjects for the study were dance flies (Empis Snoddyi, Diptera Empididae), and the balloons are a part of their anatomy. Perhaps Empis Snoddyi would make a suitable mascot for the balloonism fraternity. Unfortunately, there are no known published studies on balloon fetishism in humans. Accordingly, explanations for the cause(s) of balloonism must be based on the application or extrapolation of other theories. When proposing or considering such explanations, it is important to bear in mind the diversity of interests of the group (see What It Involves). Other clues are provided by the group’s demographics and the known origins of the interest.
The first question to be addressed is whether a single theory can be used to explain the interest of every member of the group, or whether different principles may be at work in different individuals. The relative rarity of balloonism, and the unusual nature of the condition, argue in favour of a single theory: if multiple paths lead to balloonism, it might be expected that the condition would not be so uncommon. Moreover, the few professional or semi-professional analyses of balloonism that have been published on the internet have generally taken this view, invoking mainstream psychoanalytical theories (Freudian symbolism) to explain the interest in its entirety. (No such analyses were available on line at the time of writing.)
However, the wide diversity of interests and origins of balloonism argues against the single theory approach. Attempts to cover all aspects of balloonism using a single theory result in implausible explanations in some cases, with proponents of the theory seemingly adapting their beliefs about the group’s behaviour to fit the theory, rather than adapting the theory to fit the observations. Accordingly, it seems more likely that there are multiple possible causes for balloonism, despite the problems that this view causes (discussed in the previous paragraph).
The suggested explanation involves two basic phases: ‘triggering’ (initial cause of sexual interest in balloons) and ‘development’ (subsequent strengthening and broadening of the interest). Furthermore, four groups of theories may be necessary to adequately describe the triggering phase; these may be referred to as symbolic effects, physiological effects, other psychological effects, and conditioning. The diagram below illustrates the inter-relationships between these processes:
18 Apr 01
Figure 1: Paths to Balloonism
Not all of these effects are at work in every individual. Rather, only a single triggering process seems necessary to initiate balloonism in any one person (although some combining of triggering processes may have occurred in some cases). Accordingly, this diagram indicates four main paths to balloonism:
It can be seen that the single theory approach is actually a subset of the system described above; specifically, the symbolic triggering process (although some texts recognise the significance of conditioning to reinforce the effect). The limitations of the single theory approach can be assessed by attempting to explain individuals who appear to have physiological or other triggering by using exclusively Freudian arguments.
The following sections discuss the effects involved in each of the processes shown in Figure 1.
17 Apr 01 Sigmund Freud is often
referred to as the father of psychoanalysis. Freud often ascribed sexual
origins even to apparently non-sexual psychological conditions, and commonly
interpreted his patients’ images as being symbolic or representative of
the object that was the true source of the condition being diagnosed. Following
Freud’s lead, modern psychoanalysts commonly believe that fetishism arises
as a result of a ‘developmental disturbance leading to a sexual interest
in symbolic objects’ [Brown]. Given the
explicitly sexual nature of balloonism, it seems quite credible that the
condition could indeed be triggered by sexual issues, with the balloon
possessing a symbolic status. Possible symbolic meanings are explored in this
section; psychological theories that do not involve literal symbolism will be
discussed subsequently.
Freud believed that many of his best theories about the subconscious were contained in his 1900 monograph ‘The Interpretation of Dreams’. This volume includes Freud’s interpretations of the sybolism of many common objects. Unfortunately, latex balloons were not invented at the time of writing; however, Freud does discuss the significance of a ‘captive balloon’ (barrage balloon). He considers a dream that includes ‘…a captive balloon; the balloon, however, seems rather limp.’ Freud’s interpretation is that ‘…the captive balloon … is my penis, about whose flaccidity I have been worried.’
This analogy between balloon and penis is still more-or-less valid if a latex balloon is substituted; in fact, the analogy can be pushed significantly further: the balloon enlarges when put to the lips, which may represent the act of fallacio, or the lips may symbolise the vagina. The lack of control over the balloon’s fate might represent uncertainty or a lack of control over the individual’s sexuality.
There are several possible explanations for assigning feminine form to balloons. A balloon might represent the female breast, or perhaps the female shape generally, due to its rounded appearance. The ‘drip’ at the end of a balloon is even somewhat akin to a nipple. Pinchon reports a case where an 11-month-old girl’s phobic reaction to balloons appears to have arisen from resentment to her mother’s pregnancy, perhaps by analogy with the rounded or expanding shape of the pregnant belly, or the girl’s image of the process of childbirth.
Another possible symbolism is the parallel between the life cycle of a balloon and the achievement of orgasm. Both may be described as a gradual increase in pressure, tension or excitement (as the balloon is inflated or stressed), followed by a rapid release of this (the balloon bursting).
There are a few members of the group (of both sexes) who emphasise using balloons in association with female breasts, or the female body generally. Not surprisingly, none of these members are poppers. There is also at least one case of a member appearing to treat balloons as being vaguely symbolic of the penis by placing balloons inside clothing at the appropriate location. (Treating balloons in a phallic manner is actually quite common amongst pay-site offerings, but the models involved are often not subject to balloonism, and appear to be using their imagination in an attempt to work out what behaviour would appeal to customers with balloonism.) For these people, the most distinctive attributes of balloons are relatively unimportant — or even annoying. Balloon popping is considered to be a nuisance, and the balloon’s lightness, fragility, colour, translucency (and so on) are usually irrelevant, since the balloon is placed inside clothing. The choice of balloons to symbolise significant parts of the body is perhaps based on the balloon’s softness, flexibility, cheapness and portability. It seems likely that other objects could be substituted with similar effect. Therefore, the balloon itself is not central to the preferences of those who use balloons in this manner, and standard psychoanalytical explanations for fixations on the breasts and genitals probably have substantial relevance.
It is probably important to distinguish between those few individuals who use balloons to explicitly represent body parts and a larger group who place or inflate balloons inside their clothing without apparently treating the balloon as an extension of the body. For this latter group, the fragility (including propensity to burst) and feeling of the balloon is much more significant. The placement of the balloon inside the clothing probably serves to maximise the sensation of the balloon on the senses. A physiological rather than psychoanalytical explanation may be more appropriate for these individuals, despite the apparent similarity with the group discussed in the previous paragraph.
Despite the popularity of Freudian psychoanalysis, some of the traits of balloonism suggest that these theories do not apply in a good many cases. If the balloon necessarily represented the genitals or body, it might be expected that the shape of the balloon would be significant: a long (airship) balloon would represent the penis, whereas round balloons would represent breasts or the female body generally. Moreover, it would be expected that preferences for balloon play might reveal parallels with the manipulation of the organ being represented; eg, a long balloon being manipulated by by a female as though it were a penis, or a round balloons (possibly liquid-filled) used in place of female breasts. Although these scenes do appear in some of the on-line balloonism web sites as noted above, such imagery is not the panacea for the majority of those with balloonism.
A further complication with the idea that a balloon invariably represents genitals or the body is that the fragility of the balloon would appear to be problematic: popping would have to represent the destruction of the object being symbolised. While this may have a little validity with respect to the post-orgasmic penis (as discussed above), in general, the idea would appear to be abhorrent, which further reduces the likelihood that this kind of symbolism is a significant factor for many members. In fact, the permanence of the demise of a balloon is more likely to give rise to negative emotions; for example, Moore reports a case of a 4-year-old child who developed a fear of balloons apparently as a result of seeing a broken balloon as a metaphor for the irreversibility of the death of her father.
There is an increasing amount of research that indicates the limitations of standard psychoanalytical explanations. A 1970 study [Althouse] attempted to verify the symbolic masculinity of balloons suggested by Freud by having a number of students rate balloons (and other objects) as being either masculine or feminine. The results proved to be contrary to Freud’s opinion, with balloons generally being rated as feminine. Althouse concluded that caution must be exercised in the application of traditional psychoanalytical criteria for sexual symbolism. Wilson goes further, stating that ‘Freudian and psychoanalytic theories … have limited scientific explanatory power [regarding paraphilias]’.
Freud himself said, ‘sometimes a cigar is just a cigar’. For many of those with balloonism, it seems that a balloon is just a balloon, rather than a symbol. A theory for the origin of balloonism in such people needs to go beyond psychoanalytical symbolism.
For a number of people with balloonism, the potential for a balloon to pop is very significant (whether desirable or undesirable). Characteristics of popping that are commonly considered to be important are the uncertainty of its timing and its violent and explosive nature. This is shown by the common preference for popping methods that maximise the uncertainty, such as overinflation, sitting and squeezing. The sound of the disintegrating balloon is also significant, with louder generally being considered to be more exhilarating. Many members are also particularly talen with attributes of balloons that emphasise their fragility, such as lightness and transparency. Contemplation of the potential or expectation for a balloon to pop gives rise to a strong sense of anticipation or fear for many in the group, with fear or even phobia of balloons being a surprisingly common early recollection. There are a number of cases where the origin of the sexual attraction appears to have arisen as an unexpected consequence of fear or anticipation. This provides a clue to an alternative explanation for balloonism that seems appropriate for these members.
Fear of balloons bursting is not uncommon in society generally. Psychology literature records numerous cases where this fear has reached phobic proportions in people ranging from 11 months to 60 years of age (eg, [AuBuchon], [Houlihan], [Kraft], [Mosier], and [Pinchon]). Furthermore, the potential for balloons to raise people’s stress levels is well known in psychology circles, to the extent that numerous studies have utilised inflating or bursting balloons to induce physiological stress in test subjects (who are presumably neither phobic nor sexually aroused by balloons); eg, [Bundy], [Iacono], [Kohn], [Lamb], [Levis], [Messenger], [Nicosia], and [Smith].
But how could physiological stress, or even fear, lead to sexual stimulation? On the face of it, the two states would appear to be almost mutually exclusive. However, various observations documented within the psychology literature could possibly allow for such a phenomenon.
The first thread arises from theories for the process by which emotions are triggered. Under the James–Lange theory, an emotion is perceived when we discern a particular physiological state change in our body. A criticism of this theory is that the physical states associated with each emotion may not be sufficiently distinct from one another to enable us to unambiguously assign the appropriate emotion to any given set of states. This criticism lead to the Cannon–Bard theory, whereby external stimuli are thought to produce physiological and emotional responses independently but in parallel. This appears to be consistent with the known functioning of the brain, with the hypothalamus apparently intiating the physical response while other areas of the limbic system are responsible for the experience of an emotion. The Schachter–Singer theory introduces another element: by this theory, an emotion may only be perceived if we can consciously identify a reason for our response (eg, feeling scared while observing a vicious dog). As a consequence, Schachter believed that ‘when people are in a state of physiological arousal but do not know why they are aroused, they tend to label the state as an emotion that is appropriate to their situation at the time’ [Wood].
Walster discussed the application of the Schachter–Singer theory to the issue of sexual attraction. This leads to the hypothesis that ‘any strong emotional state can produce feelings of passionate love if the individual is provided with an appropriate target for the passion’. The paper also documents findings that show that irrelevant fear (amongst other things) can affect feelings of emotional and sexual attraction. Ferguson observes that an element of suspense and danger is associated with voyeurism (when practiced furtively), and notes that these feelings ‘may actually intensify the emotional excitement and sexual stimulation’.
Perhaps it is not too much of an extrapolation to hypothesise that if a balloon causes an element of fear (and perhaps even just mild anticipation of a possible pop), some individuals may also simultaneously sense a feeling of sexual stimulation, as suggested by Walster. Moreover, the obvious presence of the balloon, upon which the attention is fixed due to the fear/anticipation response, could result in the feelings of sexual excitement being associated with the balloon.
The mechanism by which fear or anticipation becomes confused with sexual stimulation could perhaps be illuminated by considering the role of particular hormones in the relevant emotional states. The relationship between hormones and the fear response is well documented. For example, Di Giusto describes the role of adrenaline, noradrenaline, acth, and the glucocorticoids. The first-mentioned two hormones are released early and serve to initiate or accentuate the fear response, whereas the latter two have a role in extinguishing the response. Hunt, Goleman and others discuss the role of the endogenous opioids (endorphins), which also have a role in ameliorating the sensation of fear and pain.
Research by Hawkes shows that closely related physiological effects seem to be the cause of feelings of exhilaration and pleasure for a wide range of different activities, including love, sex, eating, exercise, and even drug use. This study suggests that endorphin release is the primary source of such feelings, and that the release of other neurotransmitters (including catecholamines such as noradrenaline and dopamine) are probably also involved. This leads to the conclusion that these hormones work together to create a more-or-less integrated ‘pleasure system’.
Interestingly, and perhaps significantly, many of the same hormones are at work in both the fear and sexual stimulation reactions. This observation is seldom exploited within the literature, although Bolles discusses the role of endorphins in both the fear response and the sensation of pleasure. Perhaps the similarity between the hormonal states leads to mis-identification of the appropriate emotion within some individuals, possibly as a result of unusual levels of, or sensitivity to, the relevant hormones.
The relationship between fear and sexual excitement could be expected to be significant in sexual massochism. Unfortunately, there appears to be no suggestion in the literature that a physiological effect could be at least partially responsible in this condition, with most explanations following standard psychoanalytical theories. The possibility of physiological effects acting as triggers for sexual conditions such as massochism and balloonism would appear to be a fruitful area for further research.
The literature also hints at other physiological effects that might be responsible for unusual sexual responses. Brown notes that fetishism has been associated with abnormalities in the frontal lobe of the brain. Wilson reports evidence of neurological factors being identifiable in exhibitionists, with EEG results recorded while performing mental tasks differing from those of other subjects. When considering such observations, it is important to avoid making an error of causality: the existence of a physical condition within the brain may not be the cause of the observed behaviour, but could have arisen as a consequence of it, noting that the brain is a highly adaptive organ.
A physiological trigger for balloonism based on a fear/anticipation-sexual stimulation crossover seems to align well with the history, preferences and behaviour of a significant proportion of those with balloonism — and quite possibly the majority. However, having acquired balloonism from a physiological reaction to balloons, the sexual arousal then appears to take on a life of its own and is no longer dependent on fear as a trigger. Thus, some members who were originally fearful have progressed to become avid and apparently fearless poppers without losing the sexual stimulus. This is probably explained as a consequence of conditioning.
17 Apr 01This section discusses theories that are neither directly symbolic nor physiological in nature. Most of these theories are psychologically based.
Since popping is a significant aspect of balloonism for many members, the destructive nature of this event suggests that the use of balloons might be an outworking of the individual’s violent or destructive nature (which may be otherwise suppressed). This explanation has appeared in several on-line analyses of balloonism, and there is some indirect support for this hypothesis in psychology literature. A study by Hurewitz noted that children who were exposed to aggressive stimuli (in the form of an animated cartoon) were more likely to want to destroy a balloon than those who were not thus exposed. Although the thesis being explored was the effect of the cartoon, the study suggests that balloon popping could be a form of release of aggression or a manifestation of aggressive tendancies. This idea has also been explored by Bour and Lerner.
The explanatory power of this theory when applied to balloonism is surprisingly weak. Only a few members exhibit wantonly destructive behaviour towards balloons, such as mass or rapid popping. Even for most poppers, the preferred method of destroying the balloon is more akin to teasing, which maximises the uncertainty associated with the balloon’s demise and thus seems to support a physiological explanation. Moreover, no members appear to possess other violent or destructive tendencies, such as related paraphilias or lifestyle generally (although such tendencies could perhaps be repressed in other aspects of life).
The obverse of flagrant destruction would be an extreme desire to protect balloons from popping. One or two members appear to exhibit such behaviour, and see the deliberate destruction of a balloon as a detestable waste of a thing of beauty. The desire to protect such an inherently fragile object perhaps suggests a reaction to exposure to violence, such as an unpleasant experience when balloons were burst, or at a deeper level, child abuse.
This extreme form of abhorrence to popping should not be confused with the practice of ‘rescuing’ balloons. The latter practice is usually just an expedient method of obtaining balloons without paying for them, often with the intention to eventually pop them. The element of risk associated with this activity is likely to enhance the excitement thus engendered, in the same way that furtive voyeurism may do so [Ferguson].
Other public activities of those with balloonism are also worthy of consideration. Some members enjoy the opportunity to interact with balloons in public because it can attract attention, and they can use the opportunity to attempt to evaluate the reactions of those around them (sometimes in the hope of finding someone like-minded). Sometimes, the common aversion to balloons being popped may be exploited by threatening to do so, thus teasing others. This could represent the exercise of a mild form of control or power. Another reason for such activity is to show that the member has no fear of balloons, which is especially significant for those members who have overcome a considerable fear or phobia of balloons.
Some attributes of a balloon, such as lightness, ability to float, and tendency to drift gently in a breeze, may be suggestive of freedom or independence, and hence perhaps a carefree and unfettered existence. Some members find these properties of balloons to be of interest, although they are rarely a primary focus. An alternative explanation for an interest in the lightness of balloons is that it underlines the fragility of the object, and hence reminds of the possibility of popping.
Some members find special interest in watching balloons being inflated by mouth because it is seen as an indication of strong lung capacity. No adequate explanation for such respect for lung capacity is known.
More easily explained is the interest in the feelings of the person being observed. Watching a courageous act of inflation or popping results in considerable respect. Timid balloon interaction also appeals to many members, probably because it shows a congnisance of the all-important fragility of the balloon. Some members also like to see (or imagine) that the subject is deriving sexual pleasure from their activity. This may be simple voyeurism, or it may reflect ‘wishful thinking’ on the part of the witness. Interestingly, quite a few members do not like to see explicit or implicit sexual excitement in observed balloon activity, but prefer to see ‘normal’ balloon activity (although this is still arousing to the observer). Although this seems surprising at first, an explanation may be that the attributes of the balloon (eg, risk of popping) are sufficient to cause excitement; the presence of pornographic elements is therefore not necessary, and would actually tend to deter individuals who normally shun such material.
Psychology literature contains a few studies that ascribe other miscellaneous responses to interaction with balloons. Morgan suggests that the presence of balloons can have psychotherapeutic benefits and can be useful for the treatment of a wide range of conditions, including depression, low self-confidence, social isolation and withdrawal, anxiety neuroses, sexual dysfunction, alcohol abuse and dependence, and autistic and catatonic disorders. Sternlicht reports that rubbing inflated balloons against the neck can be an effective relaxation procedure for the reduction of stress. This latter result provides an interesting contrast with the use of balloons to actually raise stress levels, as documented above. In general, the effects cited in this literature have not been observed in conjunction with balloonism.
The incidence of the theories described in this section as primary triggers for balloonism is very low (probably well below ten percent), although isolated instances do exist in some cases as noted above. Several of the effects described in this section may be observed as secondary responses to balloonism once it has been triggered by some other process. This cross-over effect is probably attributable to conditioning.
18 Apr 01Classical conditioning is a psychological effect whereby an individual responds to a particular stimulus as though it were a different and essentially unrelated stimulus that the individual has come to associate with it. This phenomenon can arise as a result of repeated exposure to both stimuli concurrently; it is therefore a learned behaviour (although the learning occurs at the subconscious level). The classic example of conditioning was Pavlov’s observation that his dogs salivated at the sound of a metronome that they had come to associate with their feeding (Osborne, ‘Conditioning’).
Conditioning is closely related to the concept of reinforcement, which emphasises the strenthening of responses that are appropriate to the stimulus, such as rewarding a child for obedient behaviour (Osborne, ‘Reinforcement’).
Conditioning may have two distinct roles in balloonism, as shown in Figure 1: it can act as a triggering process, and it can serve to reinforce and broaden balloonism once it has been triggered by any other mechanism (symbolic, physiological, conditioned, or other).
A few of those with balloonism (usually females) have been introduced to the phenomenon by their partners. Although these members were not initially aroused by balloon play, repeated exposure may have resulted in the formation of an association between balloons and sexual stimulation, in accordance with classical conditioning. It is possible that one or more of the other mechanisms described previously may have acted as primary triggers for the condition in these cases, although most of those psychological and physiological effects are usually believed to take effect during childhood or early adolescence. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that other effects may act as secondary or supporting triggers in cases where balloonism is primarily acquired by conditioning in mature adults.
A related triggering effect is the simple inclusion of balloons in situations that are inherently sexually exciting, such as attraction to a potential mate at a social gathering. Balloons might subsequently serve as a reminder, perhaps subconsciously, of the excitement felt on that occasion. There are a few members for whom this appears to have been the trigger.
Probably the major role of conditioning in balloonism is the broadening and reinforcement that occurs once a basic connection between balloons and sexual stimulation has been made (by whatever means). Since the initial triggering usually occurs relatively early in life, conditioning can act over a long period of time. It is quite common for people with balloonism to have no idea about what started their condition. This is consistent with the process of conditioning: once a strong association has been made, the original stimulus (symbolic, physiological, etc) is no longer necessary to perpetuate the effect. Moreover, the process of reinforcement would serve to strengthen the reaction through repetition of the use of balloons to provide a sexual stimulus.
A good example of conditioning and reinforcement at work is in the relatively large subset of members who appear to have had their balloonism triggered at least in part as a result of physiological processes (ie, the fear associated with anticipating the demise of a balloon). Many of these members have lost much of their fear of balloons over the years, but this does not appear to have diminished the strength of the effect that balloons have on them. Thus, non-poppers may ‘cross over’ to become avid and fearless poppers.
18 Apr 01In an attempt to avoid explaining away the phenomenon of balloonism in terms of one or two favoured theories, this section has described a bewildering range of possible explanations. Some concluding words are therefore probably in order to try to put things in perspective.
The diversity of interests and practices of those with balloonism seems to rule out any one theory from adequately explaining the origins of the condition in all cases (although the whole gamut of ideas presented in this section is not required to do so). Initial triggering of balloonism may arise from one or more phenomena, which may be broadly classified as symbolic, physiological, conditioned, or other. The most common causes appear to be physiological (sense of anticipation of popping), symbolic (representation of the female form), and conditioned (picked up from partners).
Once a basic connection between balloons and sexual stimulation has been triggered, conditioning and reinforcement take over to broaden and strengthen the effect, often to the extent that the initial triggering process may no longer be discerned.
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