(i) Marooch or Sonewals
They are also called Sonewal. But they are locally and also by themselves called by Marootc. There are several small groups among them such as Sharna, Mermana and Pattan Jiba i.e the Pashto speakers. Most of their houses are located in Chillas. These people are gold collectors and collect gold by sifting sand from the rivers. This profession of gold collection is going on for centuries. The Greek historians have mentioned about them in their books and have called them the 'ants of gold'. Not much information is available about their lineages. However, they are not either Şiņ or YaŜkuņ or Kamiņ. In certain places, they are associated with other professions. These people are farmers at Khanbari in Darel in the way of Sarkhalis farming in Masi and Ghumri. The Marootc of Khanbari pay "qalang" to the people of Darel.
(01) Razwal with a Marooch worker near Chilas, 2004
(02) Making of a water mill stone in Palas valley
(03) A blacksmith working in Kundul Village, in upper Palas valley
(04) A Gujar boy
I met some of their men in Chillas. They say that some Swati tribes of Kana and Chakesar, who had migrated to there, are also included among the Marootc people. They all are now also called Sonewal for their profession of gold collecting. It shows that the Pattan Jiba among them are Pashtoons and have come from Chakesar. In other words, now non-Marootc are also intermixed with Marootc and all of them are termed as Marootc for having uniform profession.
The social status of the Marootc is like that of Dom and Sarkhali. They are not the part of the local organizational structure based on land tenure system.
(ii) Dooms
Who were Doms and when were they assigned to the tribes in Northern circles in genral to perform particular services to them? In addition to their ancestral profession, they also served the service of their internal communication.
In Darel these people are found absorbed in Haiti system of the Şiņ, YaŜkuņ and Kamiņ castes and they have all the rights in the Wesh system. Mr. Shah Rukh of this caste told me in Darel that their at least 300 families are settled in Darel. A man named Shah Rukh is the representative of their all four castes located in Samigal. He has been a Vice Chairman in the local union council once. He is also responsible to keep an account of the revenues from the timber logging for the castes included in his 'haiti'. In Darel, the Doms are distributed into "Tabar" (households) and sub-branches like that of the Şiņs, YaŜkuņs and Kamiņs. Their branches are described as Basie, Jalbakai, Tagrie, Sunai and Bachai.
(iii) Surkheil
. They belong to the Pathan race or we can say that they are Swati Pathan. Baiscly they belong to the Swat area. During 1700 Century they migrated from Swat to Bafa (Hazara) area and then came to Palas area.
They have no their own land in the Palas area. They are devided among many Khels of the two mager groups (Darma & Khok mankh). Half Sarkhalis live in Massi village and other in Ghamri area (between Kunsher and Jalkot).
Traditionally they are responsible to carry arms and food for Palasi fighters if their is any war between Palasis and outer people like Allai wal or Kolai people. They are also responsible to carring local massage one to other village or valley.
(iv) Akhunday
These people are mainly settled in Paro. They are known as Iszi. They have migrated from Kala Dhaka and belong to the Pathan Isazai tribe. They have no royalty in forest, but are independent local resources for household use.
(v) Shamoga
This cast is living in Pichbela and Shared Union Councils of the Palas valley. These are migrated from Kashmir and cultivate the land on share basis. Now a day they are migrating to the Haza plans. Origionaly they came from Banihaal of Kashmir area in the past.
(vi) Gujars
Among all the above mentioned categories, Gujars are the most significant due to their population size and their deep rooted interrelationship with the local people. They speak Gujjri. Their main livelihood consist of goat raring; sometimes they also look after the others goats as well. The Gujars who are living in Palas for a long period/from generations, have a traditional right to have an access of grazing pastures during summer. The outsider Gujar has to pay; but in most cases, outsiders are not allowed to bring their livestock to the pastures.
During winter, Gujjars come to oak forest Bando for grazing their livestock. At present, before allowing an access to individual Gujjar family, the "price" is fixe between the family and concerned Palasi owner and Gujjar familie. The rate is mainly depended upon (i) the size of the livestock; (ii) and area of the oak forest. The usual period for winter season is December to April. The charges vary and ranges between Rs.2,500 to 3,000 for a flock of 150 goats. However, it is interesting to note that before the present arrangements, the concerned Gujjar family was bound to stay 10 to 15 days in the agriculture fields of concerned Kohistani family while coming from and going back to the summer pastures. They stay was for the purpose of providing manure to the fields. There was no cash payment for using the oak forest. However, there were certain limitations as well. In case of NOT staying, the concerned Gujjar family was bound to pay Qalang (tax). It was also possible to differ the amount of tax for a certain period. The Gujjar who becomes in debt through this way is called Bandokho. The creditor cannot ask for free labour from such Gujjar or any other favour. However, if the debt is re-paid, then the Gujjar family can change their concerned Kohistani family which is known as Naaik.
There are two customary rule for deciding about the status of shepherd in Palas valley. These rules are based upon the familial background of the shepherd. That is, if he is alone, serving his Kohistani, or with his whole family. In these two instances, the payment and mode of payment are different.
If a shepherd is himself serving his Kohistani patron family, then he is given Rs.3,000 per annum, daily food, 2 pair of cloths (usually old), a coat, a pair of trousers, Bonain (under-garment), and 2 pair of plastic boots. The duration of work fixed in accordance with the season, and contract remain valid from one spring to the other.
On the other hand, in case of family, the contract also remains from one spring to the other. The work of family mainly include goat grazing. The contract is renewable. The use of force from Kohistanis for renewal of contract is totally absent and it mainly depends upon the desire of the concerned Gujjar family to decide whether they are staying for another year, or leaving for another destination or Kohistani family.
The annual remuneration package for whole the Gujjar family contains: 9 Khalas (50 X 9=450 Kg.) of maize, milk of 15 goats from May to November, remaining milk of all the goats which is left over from their kids from December to April, 2 pair of cloths, a coat, a pair of trouser, 2 pair of Plastic boat (these things are only for shepherd), house/ accommodation provision for the Gujjar family during winter, and the patron Kohistani family is responsible for protection of life, property, and honour of their clint Gujjar family.
The duties of shepherd are diversified. However, one regularity may be found. That is, all the activities are directly or indirectly related with the care of goats. Therefore, any task related with this objective is the duty of shepherd. At present, a shepherd/ or his family is performing these duties: to graze the goats' flock, to bring green leaves during winter, to give salt, to care, to clean the goat shed and repair of its roof, and look after the kids (it is usually done by Gujjar women and children). If the flock is "big" (how many number of goats???), then the owner Kohistani also shares work burden.
The relationship between Kohistani and Gujjar families are very important to understand for an in-depth and holistic picture of Palas social organization. I am of the opinion that these relations are multiple and it would be a futile exercise, if we start to document each and every observable relation. Instead, I purpose that the regularities of the dynamic relation between Kohistani and Gujjar are important to understand. On the basis of my observation and cultural background, I may confidently purpose that the relationship between these two parties is based upon mutual dependency. The Kohistanis are dependent upon the Gujjars for maintaining a big flock of goats, and the livelihood & social survival of Gujjars are dependent upon the prestige and power of Kohistanis. (Powerful Kohistanis===>a large number of goats===>Due to Gujjars===>a large number of goats===>Powerful Palasis). Historical relation between two the groups are in circular form and this cycle is in the process of deterioration mainly due to introduction of cash/market economy in the area. The "Power" package now also contains, an element of cash and Kohistanis are not able to meet with this demand. Market economy has made all of them "poor", by placing Gujjars at the bottom line. I view the forest logging by the Kohistanis as a strategy not only to meet with the demands of cash in day to day usage, but to also maintain their power base in the area. I suggest that Gujjars, if provided alternative livelihood, would trigger a chain of social change with immense momentum. To control the momentum and make it less dereistic for Kohistanis, fully integrative efforts are needed. Please, also see Barth's hypothesis for a "natural" equilibrium of livestock due to its close relation with availability of person labour.
The Gujars are depended upon Kohistanis for aid and loan. If any one from shepherd family fells ill, then the patron family is responsible to take the flock for grazing, or to take the ill person to the doctor or hakim. Moreover the family is also responsible for to arrange money for the treatment, which is treated as a loan.
The Kohistani family is also bound to defend the Gujjar family and does not allow any body to harm them but many time has been observed that this traditional rule is much week.
The personal work of Kohistani family is excluded from the work scope of a Gujjar family. Kohistani family cannot ask from a Gujjar man, or any of member of his family, to do a certain task for them which is related with their personal domain (Iftikhar: here, I think, it would enhance the value of analysis, if a rough sketch of personal work boundaries is drawn by giving precise details of works which are considered to be personal). If the family does not look after goats appropriately, then the owner family also pressurize it (how, please mention the strategies adopted by Kohistanis for pressurizing).
If a goat is about to die due to any reason, then it is the Gujjar family has a lawful right to slaughter it. If the owner is living nearby, then the "four band" (i.e. feet & thigh) are given to the owner and remaining goat is the property of Gujjar. If the owner is far away (if the perception of near and far are explained, then the description would become more comprehensive), then the Gujjar family can retain all the meat. However, the family is bound to provide a "sound" reason of death/slaughter and prove of the slaughtering. Usually, the skin is retained by the Gujjar family, who shows it to the owner in their next immediate meeting. In case of failure to prove either reason or slaughtering, the Gujjar family is bound to pay for the amount of goat/s.
(vii) Blacksmith (Lohaar/Tarkhan)
The duties of a Akhar include basically manufacturing and maintenance of agricultural implementations. These are: plough, skale, axe, Kassi (English word:probably South Asian Spade???), etc. In addition to these, he also makes supporting pillars for roof, Bardala (??), door, Hamchoor (??), wooden spade, Aarlie (??), Akhor (??), and Madhani, etc. He also makes a wooden fence for the grave.
The wages of these above mentioned tasks are different and depends upon the nature of work. For instance, the Lohaar becomes eligible to claim 50 kg. of maize, if he makes one pair of yoke or plough, if any farmer wants to add a provision of another bullock in the yoke, then the additional work will be done at the rate of 25 kg. of maize per task.
If someone does not hold a pair of oxen, and he takes the services only for making of agricultural implementations, mentioned above, then he would give only 5 Ori maize. In addition to these returns, the lohaar also has claims over the butter of one day in summer.
The patron of Lohaar may be a whole tribe or any khel. The lohaar cannot work without the consent of their parton, but usually they enjoy liberty.
The following mentioned things are not included in the package and their wages have to be paid separately:
-
A grind stone for water mill (Wages Rs.800-900)
2. Pot of water mill in which grains are kept (Wages Rs.60-80)
3. Cheel (another par of water mill) (Wages Rs.40-60)
4. The Daboor (wooden wall) of house (Wages Rs.80) and its repair (Rs.40)
5. Granaries are made upon the size and per khala costs Rs.100
6. The cot (ordinary=Rs.4, leather=Rs.10), stairs for Rs.2. However, they are only responsible to complete the wooden work.