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Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President to be, this convention, my fellow
citizens of this great nation:
With a deep awareness of the responsibility conferred by your trust.
I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.
I do so with deep gratitude, and I think also I might interject
on behalf of all of us, our thanks to Detroit and the people of
Michigan and to this city for the warm hospitality they have shown.
And I thank you for your wholehearted response to my recommendation
in regard to George Bush as a candidate for vice president.
I am very proud of our party tonight. This convention has shown
to all America a party united, with positive programs for solving
the nation's problems; a party ready to build a new consensus with
all those across the land who share a community of values embodied
in these words: family, work, neighborhood, peace and freedom.
I know we have had a quarrel or two, but only as to the method
of attaining a goal. There was no argument about the goal. As president,
I will establish a liaison with the 50 governors to encourage them
to eliminate. wherever it exists, discrimination against women.
I will monitor federal laws to insure their implementation and to
add statutes if they are needed.
More than anything else. I want my candidacy to unify our country;
to renew the American spirit and sense of purpose. I want to carry
our message to every American, regardless of party affiliation,
who is a member of this community of shared values.
Never before in our history have Americans been called upon to
face three grave threats to our very existence, any one of which
could destroy us. We face a disintegrating economy, a weakened defense
and an energy policy based on the sharing of scarcity.
The major issue of this campaign is the direct political, personal
and moral responsibility of Democratic Party leadership -- in the
White House and in Congress -- for this unprecedented calamity which
has befallen us. They tell us they have done the most that humanly
could be done. They say that the United States has had its day in
the sun; that our nation has passed its zenith. They expect you
to tell your children that the American people no longer have the
will to cope with their problems; that the future will be one of
sacrifice and few opportunities.
My fellow citizens, I utterly reject that view. The American people,
the most generous on earth, who created the highest standard of
living, are not going to accept the notion that we can only make
a better world for others by moving backwards ourselves. Those who
believe we can have no business leading the nation.
I will not stand by and watch this great country destroy itself
under mediocre leadership that drifts from one crisis to the next,
eroding our national will and purpose. We have come together here
because the American people deserve better from those to whom they
entrust our nation's highest offices, and we stand united in our
resolve to do something about it.
We need a rebirth of the American tradition of leadership at every
level of government and in private life as well. The United States
of America is unique in world history because it has a genius for
leaders -- many leaders -- on many levels. But, back in 1976, Mr.
Carter said, "Trust me." And a lot of people did. Now, many of those
people are out of work. Many have seen their savings eaten away
by inflation. Many others on fixed incomes, especially the elderly,
have watched helplessly as the cruel tax of inflation wasted away
their purchasing power. And, today, a great many who trusted Mr.
Carter wonder if we can survive the Carter policies of national
defense.
"Trust me" government asks that we concentrate our hopes and dreams
on one man; that we trust him to do what's best for us. My view
of government places trust not in one person or one party, but in
those values that transcend persons and parties. The trust is where
it belongs -- in the people. The responsibility to live up to that
trust is where it belongs, in their elected leaders. That kind of
relationship, between the people and their elected leaders, is a
special kind of compact.
Three hundred and sixty years ago, in 1620, a group of families
dared to cross a mighty ocean to build a future for themselves in
a new world. When they arrived at Plymouth, Massachusetts, they
formed what they called a "compact"; an agreement among themselves
to build a community and abide by its laws.
The single act -- the voluntary binding together of free people
to live under the law -- set the pattern for what was to come.
A century and a half later, the descendants of those people pledged
their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor to found this
nation. Some forfeited their fortunes and their lives; none sacrificed
honor.
Four score and seven years later, Abraham Lincoln called upon the
people of all America to renew their dedication and their commitment
to a government of, for and by the people.
Isn't it once again time to renew our compact of freedom; to pledge
to each other all that is best in our lives; all that gives meaning
to them -- for the sake of this, our beloved and blessed land?
Together, let us make this a new beginning. Let us make a commitment
to care for the needy; to teach our children the values and the
virtues handed down to us by our families; to have the courage to
defend those values and the willingness to sacrifice for them.
Let us pledge to restore, in our time, the American spirit of voluntary
service, of cooperation, of private and community initiative; a
spirit that flows like a deep and mighty river through the history
of our nation.
As your nominee, I pledge to restore to the federal government
the capacity to do the people's work without dominating their lives.
I pledge to you a government that will not only work well, but wisely;
its ability to act tempered by prudence, and its willingness to
do good balanced by the knowledge that government is never more
dangerous than when our desire to have it help us blinds us to its
great power to harm us.
The first Republican president once said, "While the people retain
their virtue and their vigilance, no administration by any extreme
of wickedness or folly can seriously injure the government in the
short space of four years."
If Mr. Lincoln could see what's happened in these last three-and-a-half
years, he might hedge a little on that statement. But, with the
virtues that are our legacy as a free people and with the vigilance
that sustains liberty, we still have time to use our renewed compact
to overcome the injuries that have been done to America these past
three-and-a-half years.
First, we must overcome something the present administration has
cooked up: a new and altogether indigestible economic stew, one
part inflation, one part high unemployment, one part recession,
one part runaway taxes, one part deficit spending and seasoned by
an energy crisis. It's an economic stew that has turned the national
stomach.
Ours are not problems of abstract economic theory. Those are problems
of flesh and blood; problems that cause pain and destroy the moral
fiber of real people who should not suffer the further indignity
of being told by the government that it is all somehow their fault.
We do not have inflation because as Mr. Carter says, we have lived
too well.
The head of a government which has utterly refused to live within
its means and which has, in the last few days, told us that this
year's deficit will be $60 billion, dares to point the finger of
blame at business and labor, both of which have been engaged in
a losing struggle just trying to stay even.
High taxes, we are told, are somehow good for us, as if, when government
spends our money it isn't inflationary, but when we spend it, it
is.
Those who preside over the worst energy, shortage in our history
tell us to use less, so that we will run out of oil, gasoline and
natural gas a little more slowly. Conservation is desirable, of
course, for we must not waste energy. But conservation is not the
sole answer to our energy needs.
America must get to work producing more energy. The Republican
program for solving economic problems is based on growth and productivity.
Large amounts of oil and natural gas lay beneath our land and off
our shores, untouched because the present administration seems to
believe the American people would rather see more regulation, taxes
and controls than more energy.
Coal offers great potential. So does nuclear energy produced under
rigorous safety standards. It could supply electricity for thousands
of industries and millions of jobs and homes. It must not be thwarted
by a tiny minority opposed to economic growth which often finds
friendly ears in regulatory agencies for its obstructionist campaigns.
Make no mistake. We will not permit the safety of our people or
our environmental heritage to be jeopardized, but we are going to
reaffirm that the economic prosperity of our people is a fundamental
part of our environment.
Our problems are both acute and chronic, yet all we hear from those
in positions of leadership are the same tired proposals for more
government tinkering, more meddling and more control -- all of which
led us to this state in the first place.
Can anyone look at the record of this administration and say, "Well
done'?" Can anyone compare the state of our economy when the Carter
administration took office with where we are today and say, "Keep
up the good work?" Can anyone look at our reduced standing in the
world today and say, "Let's have four more years of this?"
I believe the American people are going to answer these questions
the first week of November and their answer will be, "No -- we've
had enough." And, then it will be up to us -- beginning next January
20th -- to offer an administration and congressional leadership
of competence and more than a little courage.
We must have the clarity of vision to see the difference between
what is essential and what is merely desirable, and then the courage
to bring our government back under control and make it acceptable
to the people.
It is essential that we maintain both the forward momentum of economic
growth and the strength of the safety net beneath those in society
who need help. We also believe it is essential that the integrity
of all aspects of Social Security be preserved.
Beyond these essentials, I believe it is clear our federal government
is overgrown and overweight. Indeed, it is time for our government
to go on a diet. Therefore, my first act as chief executive will
be to impose an immediate and thorough freeze on federal hiring.
Then, we are going to enlist the very best minds from business,
labor and whatever quarter to conduct a detailed review of every
department, bureau and agency that lives by federal appropriations.
We are also going to enlist the help and ideas of many dedicated
and hard-working government employees at all levels who want a more
efficient government as much as the rest of us do. I know that many
are demoralized by the confusion and waste they confront in their
work as a result of failed and failing policies.
Our instructions to the groups we enlist will be simple and direct.
We will remind them that government programs exist at the sufferance
of the American taxpayer and are paid for with money earned by working
men and women. Any program that represents a waste of their money
-- a theft from their pocketbooks -- must have that waste eliminated
or the program must go -- by executive order where possible; by
congressional action where necessary. Everything that can be run
more effectively by state and local government we shall turn over
to state and local government, along with the funding sources to
pay for it. We are going to put an end to the money merry-go-round
where our money becomes Washington's money, to be spent by the states
and cities exactly the way the federal bureaucrats tell them to.
I will not accept the excuse that the federal government has grown
so big and powerful that it is beyond the control of any president,
any administration or Congress. We are going to put an end to the
notion that the American taxpayer exists to fund the federal government.
The federal government exists to serve the American people. On January
20th, we are going to re-establish that truth.
Also on that date we are going to initiate action to get substantial
relief for our taxpaying citizens and action to put people back
to work. None of this will be based on any new form of monetary
tinkering or fiscal sleight-of-hand. We will simply apply to government
the common sense we all use in our daily lives.
Work and family are at the center of our lives; the foundation
of our dignity as a free people. When we deprive people of what
they have earned, or take away their jobs, we destroy their dignity
and undermine their families. We cannot support our families unless
there are jobs; and we cannot have jobs unless people have both
money to invest and the faith to invest it.
These are concepts that stem from an economic system that for more
than two hundred years has helped us master a continent, create
a previously undreamed of prosperity for our people and has fed
millions of others around the globe. That system will continue to
serve us in the future if our government will stop ignoring the
basic values on which it was built and stop betraying the trust
and good will of the American workers who keep it going.
The American people are carrying the heaviest peacetime tax burden
in our nation's history -- and it will grow even heavier, under
present law, next January. We are taxing ourselves into economic
exhaustion and stagnation, crushing our ability and incentive to
save, invest and produce.
This must stop. We must halt this fiscal self-destruction and restore
sanity to our economic system.
I have long advocated a 30 percent reduction in income tax rates
over a period of three years. This phased tax reduction would begin
with a 10 percent "down payment" tax cut in 1981, which the Republicans
and Congress and I have already proposed.
A phased reduction of tax rates would go a long way toward easing
the heavy burden on the American people. But, we should not stop
here.
Within the context of economic conditions and appropriate budget
priorities during each fiscal year of my presidency, I would strive
to go further. This would include improvement in business depreciation
taxes so we can stimulate investment in order to get plants and
equipment replaced, put more Americans back to work and put our
nation back on the road to being competitive in world commerce.
We will also work to reduce the cost of government as a percentage
of our gross national product.
The first task of national leadership is to set honest and realistic
priorities in our policies and our budget and I pledge that my administration
will do that.
When I talk of tax cuts, I am reminded that every major tax cut
in this century has strengthened the economy, generated renewed
productivity and ended up yielding new revenues for the government
by creating new investment, new jobs and more commerce among our
people.
The present administration has been forced by us Republicans to
play follow-the-leader with regard to a tax cut. But, in this election
year we must take with the proverbial "grain of salt" any tax cut
proposed by those who have given us the greatest tax increase in
our history.
When those in leadership give us tax increases and tell us we must
also do with less, have they thought about those who have always
had less -- especially the minorities? This is like telling them
that just as they step on the first rung of the ladder of opportunity,
the ladder is being pulled out from under them. That may be the
Democratic leadership's message to the minorities, but it won't
be ours. Our message will be: we have to move ahead, but we're not
going to leave anyone behind.
Thanks to the economic policies of the Democratic Party, millions
of Americans find themselves out of work. Millions more have never
even had a fair chance to learn new skills, hold a decent job, or
secure for themselves and their families a share in the prosperity
of this nation.
It is time to put America back to work; to make our cities and
towns resound with the confident voices of men and women of all
races, nationalities and faiths bringing home to their families
a decent paycheck they can cash for honest money.
For those without skills, we'll find a way to help them get skills.
For those without job opportunities we'll stimulate new opportunities,
particularly in the inner cities where they live.
For those who have abandoned hope, we'll restore hope and we'll
welcome them into a great national crusade to make America great
again!
When we move from domestic affairs and cast our eyes abroad, we
see an equally sorry chapter on the record of the present administration.
A Soviet combat brigade trains in Cuba, just 90 miles from our
shores.
A Soviet army of invasion occupies Afghanistan, further threatening
our vital interests in the Middle East.
America's defense strength is at its lowest ebb in a generation,
while the Soviet Union is vastly outspending us in both strategic
and conventional arms.
Our European allies, looking nervously at the growing menace from
the East, turn to us for leadership and fail to find it.
And, incredibly more than 50 of our fellow Americans have been
held captive for over eight months by a dictatorial foreign power
that holds us up to ridicule before the world.
Adversaries large and small test our will and seek to confound
our resolve, but we are given weakness when we need strength; vacillation
when the times demand firmness.
The Carter administration lives in the world of make-believe. Every
day, drawing up a response to that day's problems, troubles, regardless
of what happened yesterday and what will happen tomorrow.
The rest of us, however, live in the real world. It is here that
disasters are overtaking our nation without any real response from
Washington.
This is make-believe, self-deceit and -- above all -- transparent
hypocrisy.
For example, Mr. Carter says he supports the volunteer army, but
he lets military pay and benefits slip so low that many of our enlisted
personnel are actually eligible for food stamps. Re-enlistment rates
drop and, just recently, after he fought all week against a proposal
to increase the pay of our men and women in uniform, he helicoptored
out to our carrier, the U.S.S. Nimitz, which was returning from
long months of duty. He told the crew that he advocated better pay
for them and their comrades! Where does he really stand, now that
he's back on shore?
I'll tell you where I stand. I do not favor a peacetime draft or
registration, but I do favor pay and benefit levels that will attract
and keep highly motivated men and women in our volunteer forces
and an active reserve trained and ready for an instant call in case
of an emergency.
There may be a sailor at the helm of the ship of state, but the
ship has no rudder. Critical decisions are made at times almost
in comic fashion, but who can laugh? Who was not embarrassed when
the administration handed a major propaganda victory in the United
Nations to the enemies of Israel, our staunch Middle East ally for
three decades, and then claim that the American vote was a "mistake,"
the result of a "failure of communication" between the president,
his secretary of state and his U.N. ambassador?
Who does not feel a growing sense of unease as our allies, facing
repeated instances of an amateurish and confused administration,
reluctantly conclude that America is unwilling or unable to fulfill
its obligations as leader of the free world?
Who does not feel rising alarm when the question in any discussion
of foreign policy is no longer. "Should we do something?", but "Do
we have the capacity to do anything?"
The administration which has brought us to this state is seeking
your endorsement for four more years of weakness, indecision, mediocrity
and incompetence. No American should vote until he or she has asked,
is the United States stronger and more respected now than it was
three-and-a-half years ago? Is the world today a safer place in
which to live?
It is the responsibility of the president of the United States,
in working for peace, to insure that the safety of our people cannot
successfully be threatened by a hostile foreign power. As president,
fulfilling that responsibility will be my Number One priority.
We are not a warlike people. Quite the opposite. We always seek
to live in peace. We resort to force infrequently and with great
reluctance -- and only after we have determined that it is absolutely
necessary. We are awed -- and rightly so -- by the forces of destruction
at loose in the world in this nuclear era. But neither can we be
naive or foolish. Four times in my lifetime America has gone to
war, bleeding the lives, of its young men into the sands of beachheads,
the fields of Europe and the jungles and rice paddies of Asia. We
know only too well that war comes not when the forces of freedom
are strong, but when they are weak. It is then that tyrants are
tempted.
We simply cannot learn these lessons the hard way again without
risking our destruction.
Of all the objectives we seek, first and foremost is the establishment
of lasting world peace. We must always stand ready to negotiate
in good faith, ready to pursue any reasonable avenue that holds
forth the promise of lessening tensions and furthering the prospects
of peace. But let our friends and those who may wish us ill take
note: the United States has an obligation to its citizens and to
the people of the world never to let those who would destroy freedom
dictate the future course of human life on this planet. I would
regard my election as proof that we have renewed our resolve to
preserve world peace and freedom. This nation will once again be
strong enough to do that.
This evening marks the last step -- save one -- of a campaign that
has taken Nancy and me from one end of this great land to the other,
over many months and thousands of miles. There are those who question
the way we choose a president; who say that our process imposes
difficult and exhausting burdens on those who seek the office. I
have not found it so.
It is impossible to capture in words the splendor of this vast
continent which God has granted as our portion of his creation.
There are no words to express the extraordinary strength and character
of this breed of people we call Americans.
Everywhere we have met thousands of Democrats, Independents and
Republicans from all economic conditions and walks of life bound
together in that community of shared values of family, work, neighborhood,
peace and freedom. They are concerned, yes, but they are not frightened.
They are disturbed, but not dismayed. They are the kind of men and
women Tom Paine had in mind when he wrote -- during the darkest
days of the American Revolution -- "We have it in our power to begin
the world over again."
Nearly one-hundred-and-fifty years after Tom Paine wrote those
words, an American president told the generation of the Great Depression
that it had a "rendezvous with destiny." I believe this generation
of Americans today has a rendezvous with destiny.
Tonight, let us dedicate ourselves to renewing the American compact.
I ask you not simply to "Trust me," but to trust your values --
our values -- and to hold me responsible for living up to them.
I ask you to trust that American spirit which knows no ethnic, religious,
social, political, regional or economic boundaries; the spirit that
burned with zeal in the hearts of millions of immigrants from every
corner of the earth who came here in search of freedom.
Some say that spirit no longer exists. But I have seen it -- I
have felt it -- all across the land; in the big cities, the small
towns and in rural America. The American spirit is still there,
ready to blaze into life if you and I are willing to do what has
to be done; the practical, down-to-earth things that will stimulate
our economy, increase productivity and put America back to work.
The time is now to resolve that the basis of a firm and principled
foreign policy is one that takes the world as it is and seeks to
change it by leadership and example; not by harangue, harassment
or wishful thinking.
The time is now to say that while we shall seek new friendships
and expand and improve others, we shall not do so by breaking our
word or casting aside old friends and allies.
And, the time is now to redeem promises once made to the American
people by another candidate, in another time and other place. He
said, "... For three long years I have been going up and down this
country preaching that government -- federal, state and local --
costs too much. I shall not stop that preaching. As an immediate
program of action, we must abolish useless offices. We must eliminate
unnecessary functions of government. ... we must consolidate subdivisions
of government and, like the private citizen, give up luxuries which
we can no longer afford.
"I propose to you, my friends, and through you that government
of all kinds, big and little be made solvent and that the example
be set by the president of the United States and his Cabinet."
So said Franklin Delano Roosevelt in his acceptance speech to the
Democratic National Convention in July 1932.
The time is now, my fellow Americans, to recapture our destiny,
to take it into our own hands. But, to do this will take many of
us, working together. I ask you tonight to volunteer your help in
this cause so we can carry our message throughout the land.
Yes, isn't now the time that we, the people, carried out these
unkept promises? Let us pledge to each other and to all America
on this July day 48 years later, we intend to do just that.
I have thought of something that is not part of my speech and I'm
worried over whether I should do it.
Can we doubt that only a Divine Providence placed this land, this
island of freedom, here as a refuge for all those people in the
world who yearn to breathe freely: Jews and Christians enduring
persecution behind the Iron Curtain, the boat people of Southeast
Asia, of Cuba and Haiti, the victims of drought and famine in Africa,
the freedom fighters of Afghanistan and our own countrymen held
in savage captivity.
I'll confess that I've been a little afraid to suggest what I'm
going to suggest -- I'm more afraid not to -- that we begin our
crusade joined together in a moment of silent prayer. God bless
America.
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