INTRODUCTION:
Taking it to the Three Different Types of Streets

"Bad laws are the worst sort of tyranny" Edumund Burke

Structure: Three Different Streets and Protests

Structurally, the paper is divided into three parts, just as the Roman architect Vitruvious used three categories of streets. First there is the small residential street, which was our grassroots starting point for the work stoppage. It was from here that we drew our strength and most accurately expressed our reasons for the protest. Second there is the broad political avenue, University Avenue, the site of Queen's Park, the legislature, and nextdoor the Mowat Block from which the Harris government was "creating their crisis" Bill 160. Thirdly, there was the important commercial street, Bay Street, which would perhaps be the deciding forum for whether or not our protest would be successful.

Each of the three parts is subdivided into two sections. First, fine brush strokes detailing the day-to-day activities of the protest are described from the perspective of one participant --me. Second, broad brush strokes on the lessons learned and the curriculum of the street for the participants.

As a third level of structure, the first section of each part is further divided into the individual days of the protest. The intention here is to reflect the day to day lived reality of the curriculum, and incidentally I do not mind that it also evokes John Reid's "Ten Days That Shook the World".

Most importantly, however, are the strands running through the paper. These correspond to four models of skillful resistance, namely:

1. the anarchal syndicalist model
2. the military (democratic centralist) model
3. the radical vanguardist model
4. the Gandhian non-violent activist model
Examples of each of these are discussed as they came to the fore in the struggle.

The Street as a Classroom

"Our protest has turned Ontario into a classroom on the future of public education. It has educated our communities, the public, and the media about the dangers inherent in Bill 160. It has shown Ontario voters the bullying nature of the Mike Harris government. It has shown that this is a government which has been giving itself powerful regulatory control while stretching its constitutional limits of authority to a degree almost unprecedented in Canada outside of wartime. It has exposed the government's long-term plan to privatize public education" Earl Manners, OSSTF President, 9 Nov. 1997

The protest did indeed turn Ontario, especially her streets, into a non-school setting for education. The learners were the entire Ontario population --as just about everyone was affected in one way or another. The teachers were also learners in the sense that there was much in this curriculum which was new to them. What was the curriculum? Before addressing this question, the context of the curriculum must be discussed.

Who? the Background to the Protest

Before turning to the settings and the curriculum, we must first clarify who the participants were. While the general public were all participants, the main actors in this drama were the teacher union members who left their job sites to picket on the streets. Although many parents, students, other union members, and many other people joined the teachers' protest, the bulk of the protestors were members of the Ontario Teachers Federation -the umbrella organization for the five union affiliates. This protest action against Bill 160 which started 27 Oct and was suspended 7 November, 1997 was called by the OTF and implemented by members of the five affiliate unions:
• the Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation (OSSTF);
• the Ontario English Catholic Teachers' Association (OECTA);
• the Ontario Public School Teachers' Federation (OPSTF)
• L'association des enseignantes et des enseignants franco-ontariens
• and the Federation of Women Teachers' Associations of Ontario (FWTAO).

Why? the Larger Context of the Protest: the Larger Struggle

It must be stated that although our struggle was directly concerning Bill 160, many teachers were willing to go out because of the larger context of the Tory government power grab. Bills 136 (attacking the public service) and 160 are companions to Bills 103 (Municipal Amalgamation) and 104 (Fewer School Boards). All of these centralize power in the cabinet, at the expense of local democracy.

Bill 160 also needs to be seen in the larger context of:

• Bill 26: the omnibus bill which enabled further centralization;
• Bill 47: reduced taxes;
• Bill 7: allowed scabs back into labour relations;
• Bill 49: lowering employment standards;
• Bill 8: eliminating employment equity;
• Bill 57: reducing environmental protections;
• Bill 96: eliminating rent controls;
all of which also centralize, weaken the position of working people, and attack public services.

The Global Scale
The long-term underlaying reason for this need for power is to prevent local councils, public institutions, and trade unions from hindering the move toward privatization and the free flow of capital. Capital strikes in the form of the export of capital and manipulation of interest and exchange rates are routinely made in the interests of the powerful. The Free Trade Agreement and NAFTA were done to ensure capital could be exported to places more profitable than Canada. In order to keep capital in Ontario, the private sector must be more profitable than our global competitors and this (according to the Tory government perspective) calls for cutting public investment and taxes. To do this they must create "fiscal crises" and play up the "failure" of public institutions such as education. To have the power to shift tactics quickly and chop services easily requires that the provincial government has concentrated power in the cabinet.

The Issue of Power
Global trends and the agenda of the Tory government demand both short-term and long-term destructive changes to public education. To accomplish these, the government must have unilateral control. Therefore, over-riding everything else in education today is the issue of power. Since Bill 104 "The Fewer School Boards Act" neutered school trustees, teachers are the only force to compete with the cabinet for control. Bill 160 removes virtually all aspects over which teachers can collectively bargain, and centralizes control over education in the cabinet.

The Effects of the Tory Agenda
Briefly, to date, the actions of the provincial government have included:

• Despite promises not to cut "classroom spending", the government clearly intends to follow-up last years $400 million cut with another $700 million cut.
• Despite promises not to close hospitals, hospitals in Toronto are being closed, and hospital budgets cut $1.3 billion, while those in Tory-friendly rural areas are spared;
• Personal tax cuts (mostly benefitting the rich), while teenagers are cut off welfare, agencies that investigate child abuse are cut, and junior kindergarten programs are eliminated;
• Business tax cuts, while welfare mothers have lost 21% of their benefits and forced to do workfare;
• Pharmaceutical firms winning new contracts and higher prices while seniors and the poor are forced to pay a new user fee for drugs;
• Development fees for builders have been cut while tenants have lost the protections of rent controls;
• Doctors in the province got a $600 million raise while nurses are laid off and nursing home aides lose pay equity;
• and the civil service has been decimated;

The Attack on Secondary Education
Secondary Education, in particular, has been the main target of right-wing revolutionary privatizing regimes around the world because high school teachers are a major way of transferring traditional social values.

The Attack on Public Education
Public education is under attack because it is seen by the right as outside of the loop of capitalism, and as a result has become overfunded and bloated --ie. overly labour intensive. Their preference would be that the number of teachers be cut and technology used to have more control over what is taught. Specifically, they would like business training to be in the forefront, and subsidized by the taxpayer.

The Tory Myths of Educational Overspending and Poor Quality
To make radical changes to education politically acceptable, the Tories have to argue first, that we are overspending and second, that we are not getting quality education. One indication that we are, in fact, not overspending is that in comparison of per pupil expenditures of other jurisdictions in North America, just about everyone spends more than Ontario. New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut spend double what we do. Of the 50 states, 10 provinces, and two territories Ontario ranks 46th in spending. (NOW 23 Oct.'97) According to Jim Livingston's OISE/UT study, 82% of Ontarians want spending maintained or increased, and 48% want it increased.

To get people to believe that the educational system is broken and needs radical changes to be fixed, the Tories rely on standardized test scores.

The Attack on Unions
To be more competitive businesses must bring down costs, since other traditional options of discovering new markets or new products are more difficult these days. The only long-term way to bring down business costs is to eliminate or enfeeble trade unions. Non-unionized workers generally earn less and accept less safe and humane working conditions.

The combination of these two trends of attacking public education and union-busting can be seen at franchising shows where there are always business hawking tutoring services. The Toronto Star (27 Sept. 19997) quoted Michael Peever, of "A Little Extra Help Tutoring Services" (Whitby) as saying: "The best thing to happen to my business is what the government has been doing lately: cutting back education funding and increasing class sizes." His motto is summarized as: "for $15,000. you too can start up a business --and you don't even have to have any teaching experience."

Bill 160

Bill 160, (introduced 22 Sept and second reading 7 Oct.) is about power primarily and cutting budgets only secondarily. It replaces free collective bargaining of working conditions with government regulation. The immediate impacts of this direct control will be less money (about $700 million cut compounding last year's $533 million cut); fewer (and more over-worker) teachers (due to loss of preparation time, department heads' loss of administration time, etc.) and more students per classroom. The long-term plans are to move in the direction of degrading the public system to make radical changes, the vouture system, charter schools, and private schools more attractive. This suggests a two-tiered educational system: a non-unionized private one for the rich (perhaps including voutures); and a (perhaps, still) unionized but underfunded public system for the poor (perhaps including charter schools).

Lacey's Contract and Budget Cuts

There was a vindication of the militant position being taken by teachers (if there was any doubt) when, on 21 Oct. a brown envelope was slipped to the NDP leaking that education deputy minister Veronica Lacey's personal service contract included a clause giving her a performance bonus if she achieved the goal of cutting $670 million from the ministry's budget. Not only had such a goal originally been denied, but the government then calmly switched to saying that this was only to cut "fat" or waste from the system. This waste has not been identified. It is thought that $150 million will be saved due to the reduction in the number of school boards (129 down to 72) and both the number and salaries (down to $5,000 p.a.) of trustees. Another $200 million might come from layoffs associated with reduction in preparation time. This still leaves another $300 million to reach the target, which has not been discussed. Also, relatively undiscussed is the fact that government spending has already been cut more than the Tories had promised. Their election promise was to cut $6 billion. In 1996-97 they cut a total of $5.5 billion. In 1997-98 they cut an additional $2.3 billion. Add to this the fact that revenues have been higher than projected. The Tory tax-cut was supposed to be self-financing and not dependent on reductions in spending. Therefore no more cuts are necessary to achieve what the Tories promised. This reinforces the views of many of us that Bill 160 is not primarily about budget cutting.

The General Responses to the Tory Agenda

The responses by the people of Ontario to the Tory government's actions generally have been remarkable. Quiet, orderly Ontario has seen its first all-night occupation of the legislature; two riots on the grounds of Queens' Park with blood being spilt; a ten-day filibuster; the first provincial civil service strike, mass rallies, sit-ins, and now the teachers strike.

The Tory 'Common Sense Revolution'

In 1790 Edmund Burke, a noted conservative, wrote his Reflections on the Revolution in France because he saw that what was going on there was a degradation of civilized society. Some of the same kinds of observations that Burke made about the revolution in France are applicable to the Tory 'Common Sense Revolution' in Ontario today.

Burke argued that the revolutionaries were degrading the complexity and the organic nature of society by turning it into a mechanistic and simplified form of governance. Both revolutions harmed the complex and balancing middle levels of governance --those levels between the individual and the dictatorial cabinet. The Tory view of Ontario is that of an unchallengable dictatorship of finance. Both revolutions involved the executive branch of government usurping power away from the legislature and judicial ("mumbo jumbo" Dave Johnson) branches.

Both revolutions evoked rhetoric about populism and grass-roots, but both represented a real centralization of power at the highest levels. The Premiers' office has been strengthened at the expense of the ministries; the cabinet has been strengthened at the expense of the back benchers; the provincial government has been strengthened at the expense of the municipal governments; the Ministry of Education and Training has been strengthened at the expense of the boards of education; and finally, teachers' unions, principals, vice principals, teachers, schools, and parent councils have all been weakened.

A Specific Protest: the Teachers' Work Stoppage

"It takes a just man to break an unjust law" Edmund Burke

Next, this protest will be introduced in terms of the models of skillful resistance which are involved.

The Models of Skillful Resistance

There are many models for skillful resistance but four are to be introduced here and discussed in terms of the different lessons learned in each of the three parts. The four models are:
• the anarchal syndicalist model
• the democratic centralist model
• the vanguardist model
• and the non-violent activist model

The Anarchal Syndicalist Model
The anarchal syndicalist model is as democratic as possible based on the principle of worker-control. The key here is mass meetings where everyone is comfortable to contribute and participate in decision-making. During the lead-up to the protest, this was certainly the model used. At least in the OSSTF, we had many meetings and an all-member strike vote.

The Democratic Centralist Model
The centralist model holds that the best decisions are made by a very few leaders who can devote themselves fulltime to considering all aspects of the situation. Once these decisions are made, the rest of the participants are to follow this path, even if there are parts which some do not like. This centralism is combined with representative democracy when the leaders are elected.

Once our strike was in progress, there was a clear switch away from the anarchal syndicalist model and towards the democratic centralist model. Immediately the phone trees switched from being used to solicit views to delivering the message of our orders for the next day. The picket captains, such as myself, were already familiar with all of the requirements because we had undergone training during the run-up to the strike.

But from the perspective of the rank-and-file member, much of this was new. It was one of the jobs of the picket captains to ensure that the 'troops' were informed as to where they are supposed to be and when. Planning and logistics became extremely important. For example, another task of the picket captain was that there had to be a "media spokesperson" (at least one) on duty at all times --in most cases this was also the picket captain. Rank-and-file members were to direct media people to the spokesperson. The entire structure's hierarchical nature became evident in the way people were to walk the line, with the picket captains hanging around the key locations --such as the intersections. Like a military operation, everything had to be planned in advance. The equivalent of our 'weapons', signs, had to be all on site and kept in good condition. Rain, etc. damaged them easily -but we had nice laminated ones.

There were logistical concerns, for example, we had to plan where we were going to park, because the school parking lots were not to be used. The idea that the parking lot would be seen to be emply by the public would be a good message that indeed the school was closed. Practically speaking, too, any cars in the parking lot would offer cover and make it easier for scabs.

A branch headquarters had to be established. Every morning a secure beach-head had to be taken, where we would plant the large blue flag, deliver the signs, and set up the coffee machine. It was to be planned that someone would be at this location at all times. It had to be arranged who would have a cellular phone. Fast breaking "orders" might come in from district headquarters that a "flying squad" was needed at a certain school. A "Flying squad" is a group of picketers who can be sent to another location in need. "In need" might mean that the picket line at some location was being crossed. Couriers had to be arranged to pick up literature from the district office. Still cameras and video cameras were to be available and used. Leaflets had to be in place. Clipboards, pens, umbrellas, petition pages, etc. etc. all had to be ready each day.

Maps of the neighbourhoods around our schools were prepared to help us with pamphletting. We identified the high traffic areas upon which we would focus our pamphletting efforts.

The specialized training which we picket captains received included one hour with two officers from the Industrial Liaison Section of the Public Safety Unit, Metropolitan Toronto Police. The two officers, whom I had met before (picketing in front of Great Lakes private school during December of 1995) lectured and answered our questions on the role of the police, obstructing pedestrians' freedom of movement, causing disturbance, intimidation, assault, and other concerns (see handout attached). The message that they stressed was that we were like officers and were responsible for the behaviour of our picket line (troops). The hierarchical, almost military, type of discussion was a surprise to many new picket captains. The kinds of things they stressed that we would have to ensure included:

• picketers are required by law to keep moving;
• picketers must not block sidewalks;
• picketers must walk in an elongated ellipse;
• picketers must avoid physical contact with passersby;

As members arrived for picket duty, they had to sign in with the picket captain (see form attached). Everyone had to know what the picket line protocols were, and how to deal with different situations which might arise. To answer the call of nature, members would first see the picket captain. Perhaps most importantly of all, everyone had to be motivated, well-informed, and their spirits kept up. Nevertheless, all of these tasks required tremendous discipline, in fact, discipline is the term used for maintaining a successful picket line.

The Vanguardist Model
A radical model of skillful resistance based on leadership by a non-elected vanguard cadre holds that the leadership of any organization is usually too meek and bureaucratic for times of crisis. At such times, a small group of social activists who are not careerists are called upon to provide a more dynamic, forceful, leadership. Dramatic acts of civil disobedience involving, for example, trespass, could be considered vanguardist and are seldom initiated, undertaken, or even sanctioned by the organization's leaders. In the past, such acts are often defended using the "defense of necessity". This holds that the action was necessary to prevent imminent harm. In many such cases of sit-in demonstrators being prosecuted for trespass, this defense has been used successfully. In the case of the 160 protest, vanguardists were acting to forefend the imminent harm to public education.

The Non-violent Activist Model
This last model includes protests such as hunger strikes and several names come to mind: Jesus, Gandhi, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandella, Rosa Parks, and Saul Alinsky. The latter's Rules for Radicals is often used as a text by social activists. In it Alynski articulates a number of rules, summarized below:

Alinski's Rules for Radicals' Effective "POWER TACTICS" Power is not only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have. Never go outside the experience of your people; Aim to go outside the experience of your enemy; Make the enemy live up to his/her own book of rules; A good tactic is one that your people enjoy; A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag; Keep the pressure on constantly, with different tactics and actions; Use all events of the period of struggle for your purpose; Present constructive alternatives; Pick a weak target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it. 30excerted from Rules for Radicals

In the non-violent activist model the purity of the action is paramount.

There is a rich tradition of courageous and otherwise law-abiding people standing up to powerful forces --even when this involved non-violently breaking some minor laws. The acts of Gandhi, King, and Parks were discussed often on the picket lines of strikers. While Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a white man (thereby breaking the law), teachers were about to withdraw their services even though we have an existing contract and were not in a legal strike situation.

Teachers and others were also discussing other acts of non-violent protest. The consensus was, however, that timing was important. Although we continued to plan for a number of such actions, we agreed that we would not act until the time was right. First it had to be established how the strike would proceed.

The Curriculum Leading Up to the Job Action

There were many different curricula associated with the different types of participants in the learning situation. These participants (listed in order of increasing level of involvement) were:
• members of the public generally;
• non-supporters (some management, some government people);
• supporters from the general public (parents, students, others);
• rank-and-file members of one of the five affiliates;
• union phone tree node people;
• union picket captains;
• union branch (school) executive members;
• union branch (school) presidents;
• union district political action and special committee members;
• union district (board) executive members;
• union provincial committee members;
• union provincial executive members.

The Curriculum for the Union Picket Captains Leading Up to the Job Action

To prepare for the job action, picket captains underwent training for their role. This role involved five main tasks:
• to work with the Branch President of the school (in a small school the picket captain would usually be the branch president as well);
• to be responsible for a team of picketers, ensuring that they know their role on the picket line;
• to assist in organizing protests and other related events;
• to be responsible for:
  • scheduling pickets;
  • distribution and collection of signs;
  • distribution and collection of literature.
• to identify and report scabs to the head office of the union.
With others, a number of tasks had to be done before the job action started. These included:
• Establish and test a phone tree;
• Inform district head office of the names of the branch phone tree nodes, picket captains, branch protest headquarters, etc.
• assembling tools and materials needed for signs (staple guns, wood for pickets, string, etc.);
• Organize picket teams and schedules;
• Identify strategic areas for distributing literature (subway / bus stations, etc.)
• Identify spokespeople, making sure there is at least one on every shift;
• Make sure all picketers know to refer any Media people to the spokesperson, to maintain professional calm in all dealings, not to litter; to avoid physical contact with passersby, to walk in elongated ellipses, to keep moving at all times, and to know what to do when approached by people on the line (see the curriculum of the Picket Line).
• Discuss plans with Chief Caretaker and School Engineer;

The Curriculum of the Picket Line (in Theory)

In theory, the two principle purposes of picketing are:
• One: to close the school and keep it closed. We (in Toronto) knew we had succeded in this goal before we started because the Board decided that they would not try to keep any schools open.
• Two: to educate the public and send out a message. Because we lacked the financial resources to mount a significant ad campaign, our best public relations "weapon" is personal contact with teachers. Many of signs, therefore, said "talk with us".

In addition to all the rules and protocols listed above, the most important skill a picketer has to learn is how to deal with someone coming into contact with the picket line. These people basically break down into three categories:

• First, there are people on foot or in cars who have been approached by a picketer and are supportive, or are approaching the line to support us or to get information -usually these peple are obviously friendly. These are the easiest people with whom to deal --especially when they have their arms full of coffees and cookies. They generally already know who we are and readily accept our literature.
• Second, there are people who are approached by us or approach our line who are not supportive. This is more difficult. Picketers should identify themselves, the reasons for our protest, and offer them our literature. The idea here is to raise their awareness of the issues and perhaps win them over to supporting the protest.
• Third, there may be people, even union members, who approach the line with the intention of crossing. This is the most difficult situation and one in which judgement comes into play. For example, it is the constitutional right of a pedestrian to enjoy freedom of movement --which means picketers cannot legally impede their progress. However, it is common practice that delaying them for a "reasonable" period of time is "acceptable". It is differences of opinion over the meaning of "reasonable period of time" which often engenders heated arguments. Everything changes when the person approaches the line in a vehicle. Then there is no constitutional right. While picketing at Great Lakes private school on Keele during the winter of 1995 we commonly delaying scabs for twenty minutes before allowing them into the school parking lot. Incidentally, these were the first scabs in Ontario since the Tory government repealed the NDP's no-scab law.

In practice, however, picket strategies and tactics vary according to the local situation: number of picketers at any given time, number of entrances, parking lots, size of school, mood of the situation, proximity to picket headquarters. Since we moved around, each setting is discussed specifically in the three different parts.

Events Just Prior to the Job Action

The weekend of 25 - 26 October, there were confidential meetings between the government and the leaders of the affiliates with former Ontario chief justice Charles Dubin acting as a facilitator. These seemed to not lead anywhere, and we were soon on to our phone trees preparing members for the next morning: DAY ONE of the protest.