Irish National Liberation Army interview
February 2002

Q1. Has the INLA secured new and more sophisticated stockpile weapons including landmines and rifles?

A. It is our policy not to indicate to anyone what we have in terms of resources, personnel or intelligence so we will not answer this question.

Q2. Despite its opposition to the Good Friday Agreement does the organisation's ceasefire remain firmly intact?

A. Absolutely.

Q3. If the recent campaign of violence from loyalists continues unabated will the INLA's hand be forced to strike back at the loyalist community or a leading loyalist?

A. In our New Year message of January 1st we said:

"We reaffirm our ceasefire decision of August 22nd 1998 but view with increasing concern the escalating attacks on the nationalist working class by hate filled loyalism. We warn that such attacks put an almost impossible strain on republicans. Unless there is a halt then a republican response is inevitable."

Q4. Would the organisation comment on reports its volunteers are working closely with the dissident Continuity and Real IRAs in a bid to ship new arms into the North?

A. Rubbish! What others do is their business. We are a separate independent army politically opposed to the right wing form of nationalism espoused by these groups. We have nothing in common with them.

Q5. Would the organisation be happy to sit down with the UDA's Inner Council in a bid to persuade it to end its campaign of terror against the nationalist community?

A. The question presupposes

a) That there is an inner council,
b) That it has influence and
c) That it is interested in creating the conditions for peace.

We don't believe that it exists for anything other than propaganda reasons: UDA commanders reign supreme in their own areas and have built up their own little empires. They jealously guard their own power base and don't recognise any overall leadership. On peace let it be said that those filled with hatred of Catholics and who are in the UDA can never be accommodated.

However we recognise that there are some genuine loyalists who recognise that accommodation has to be reached.

The INLA has in the past proposed a non-aggression pact, a grass roots initiative that would enable working class communities to co-exist side by side with clearly defined ways of negotiating settlements to problems without armed groups intervening. We will talk to anyone on this issue.

Q6. Has the INLA at any time issued threats to protestants in north Belfast and community workers linked to the Concerned Residents of Upper Ardoyne?

A. Twice in January Tom Gillan of ICTU publicised and condemned threats by the INLA, first on workers in Monkstown and then on community workers in North Belfast. These public attacks by Gillan followed denials by the IRSP that there any threats from the INLA. At no time did the ICTU contact either the IRSP or any of the well-known mediators to ascertain if indeed there was any threat.

Gillian's maverick and reckless public statements have to be condemned and we ask whose agenda was he working for?

We repeat there never were any threats from us to any section of workers.

Q7. Is the INLA firmly intact or is there a danger of feud within its ranks erupting as it did in the past?

A. There is a centralised, unified and politically committed leadership with the full support of the rank and file. This leadership has returned this movement to its roots of republican socialism. Previous leaderships forgot what they were there for, ignored the political reasons for the existence of the organisation and treated the membership with disdain. That we will not do and so there is no danger of any so called feuds occurring again.

Q8. If the loyalist campaign of violence ended would the INLA ever consider handing over weapons and possibly following a similar path as the Provisionals?

A. We believe that unfortunately there will be continuing loyalist violence directed by bigots against nationalists in one form or another. That has been the history of the Northern state. Until that state goes we believe there will always be violence. However the silence of all guns is an objective all reasonable people would seek. As regards the red herring of decommissioning let us be clear. There was no decommissioning after the War of Independence, no decommissioning after the 56-61 Republican campaigns, nor no decommissioning by the Official IRA after 1972. We will not decommission. As regards following the Provisional path we don't agree politically with Sinn Fein but we do encourage people to engage in and participate in politics.

Q9. Can the leadership confirm that it has been embarking on a recruitment process in the North and the Irish Republic in a bid to welcome young republicans who are unhappy with the direction of the peace process?

A. We do not poach members from any other group. We want people to join our movement on the basis of our political approach. If people are socialist, republican and agree with out analysis we encourage them to take the political road and join the IRSP.

Q10. Does the INLA have a good relationship with the Provisionals in the nationalist community?

A. We encourage good relationships with all fellow republicans. We have occasional contact with other republicans and occasionally exchange views on the political situation with other organisations. But we are a separate independent organisation following our own path.

Q11. Has the INLA the materials and weapons to defend nationalist communities from attacks from loyalists?

A. Let us be frank. No amount of equipment nor volunteers can ensure the defence of working class communities from random sectarian attacks. But like other republicans we see our primary duty at this moment in time to ensure that working class communities have some protection within their communities from these attacks. We stand with our people in the hour of need.

Q12. Is the INLA a threat to ordinary Protestants?

A. Emphatically not. In our original ceasefire statement we apologised for actions in the past and these included sectarian attacks that fell below the standards acceptable for a republican army. This movement is as firmly against any attacks on the Protestant community as it is against attacks on the Catholic community.

Q13. Would the INLA ever consider putting forward people to contest local government elections again?

A. Obviously armies don't fight elections but we do support the call for a Republican Forum issued by the IRSP and we would encourage all republicans of whatever views to put those views before the people. Elections are part of that process of putting their views forward. But any decision on fighting elections rests with the IRSP and whatever that decision is we will respect that.

Q14. Do the INLA consider the killing of Billy Wright as their most successful ever operation?

A. We refuse to gloat over the death of anyone. We don't have a points system for operations. All operations that were carried out in the past were part of the struggle for national liberation. All operations should be viewed in that light.

Q15. Finally does the INLA have an alternative to the Good Friday Agreement and a clear path it intents to follow?

A. We are opposed to the GFA on the basis that it institutionalises sectarianism, stabilises a sectarian state, divides working class people and copper fastens partition. However we are not so arrogant to believe we have a ready answer to a problem that has bedeviled people for centuries. Trust has to be built up from a grassroots level. We believe that can be done by something like a non-aggression pact.

But we remain unswerving in our belief that the best solution is the creation of a socialist republic where power rests with the Irish working class.

-- Statement Ends --