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Agricultural Labourers |
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(c)
Families having linkages across strata and their mention in the
Slade letters |
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We now come to those families who occupy the bottom
right quadrant. For each of the families listed here the head of
household described himself as an agricultural labourer. Study of these
families, however, also reveals that other branches seemed to occupy
different levels of the socio-economic structure.
Firstly, the POPE cluster. The Census contains six
Pope households, separating into two groups. The first group consists of
four households: three related to each other as second cousins and one as
1C1R. These are Jonathan (1788-1813) and Lydia, Joseph (1785-1840) and
Mary, Charles (1795-1852) and Lucy, all second cousins, and James
(1782-1849) and Ann. The other two households contain Elizabeth, the
widow of Benjamin Pope (1772-1834) and George Pope, married to Ann Pope, a
niece of Benjamin. As before, we have looked at the relationships for
children of these people in 1841. We need not distinguish between each of
the children, because the relationships are broadly similar.
|
Popes
|
Cousin |
|
2C |
Brown
Chip
Pope
Slade |
3C |
|
1C1R |
Chip
Clifford
Pope
Stimson |
1C2R |
|
2C1R |
|
So, this instantly reveals how far the Pope structure
might reach. On the one hand it could link into paupers, as Thomas Brown,
the husband of Martha Chip, was so described in the Census, while, on the
other hand, it could reach right into the Slades. The connection here
goes through Septimus Slade, the brother of Henry Senior, also a farmer in
the village, but not much mentioned by the letters. On the agricultural
labourer level, this cluster might more properly be described as Pope-Stimson-Clifford.
Therefore, we have a similar level of interlinking as we have found for
the Jarvis-Jones-Lewingdon cluster.
Joseph Pope (1785-1840) and his son, Will (1817-),
attract a couple of mentions in the letters, but with a sinister theme:
madness. In the middle of June 1840, early one Wednesday morning, people
saw Joe Pope out in the street. His wife, Mary, later went round to do
the washing for the Marris household. At nine o’clock, Lucy, the wife of
his cousin Charles, dropped by to find Joe dead on the floor. He had done
very little work for a while and often suffered from fits. His eldest
son, Will, had worked for the Slades and then left, only to return at the
end of 1841. They say he is very queer in his mind, but manages to
keep well. Henry Slade Senior thought about hiring him to look after
some sheep.
The name PARSONS occurs with most frequency. Nine
heads of households have this name between the two villages. Many Parsons
feature in the Parish Records. We cannot clearly link direct
relationships between all nine households. One block of the Parsons named
here almost certainly belonged to a different social level, one nearer
that of the Slades, from what the letters show us. We will review them
later. At the level of agricultural workers, we have the Tirrold family
of Abel Parsons (d1829) and Rachel. Rachel lives with some of her
children in one household. Three of her married sons, Joseph, Daniel, and
Jonas, have their own households. Rachel’s father-in-law, Richard, is
still alive, living next to his grandson, Jonas. The head of this
household, however, is Francis Beckinsale, the husband of Richard’s
daughter, Martha. Joseph, Daniel, and Jonas all list themselves as
agricultural labourers, but Francis Beckinsale is one of the two
publicans. Into this same cluster, we can link the two Didcock households
in Upthorpe: George and his wife Elizabeth and children; John and Jane,
living with Jane’s illegitimate child, Jacob. All three adults are
siblings and have Richard Parsons as their uncle. Both George and John
Didcock list themselves as agricultural labourers.
Split equally between Tirrold and Upthorpe, lived the
three CURTIS households plus that of John Baker, all related. At the head
of the family comes Elizabeth (1771-), now widowed, and living with her
married daughter Amey Jordan plus husband and children. Then come two
other of her children living with their own families: Thomas (1791-) and
elder brother George (1789-). John Baker (1815-) had married Martha
Curtis (1816-1843). Martha was daughter to Thomas by his first wife.
Linked into this assemblage, we also have the Dearloves, for which two
households exist. We cannot be exact about the relationship between the
two Dearloves, but we do know that Avery Dearlove (1806-), living in
Tirrold, had Martha Curtis for his mother. Martha was another daughter of
Elizabeth, already mentioned. George worked in 1841 as an agricultural
labourer, but his brother, Thomas, ran a grocery shop, while old Elizabeth
worked as a baker. Elizabeth herself came from the (Kirk)Patrick family.
Her brother, William, living in the third household listed beyond where
Thomas Curtis lived, made a livelihood as a carrier at this time. We
know, however, that he had kept one of the pubs in the village, during the
1820s. This is one of the great families in the village and, by following
the later marriages made by the sons of Thomas, we can see them as an
example of successful social mobility. Indeed, they already had
interesting connections, as this chart indicates. This shows the
relationships for Charlotte Curtis (1816-), the eldest child of the
agricultural labourer, George Curtis.
|
Curtis |
Cousin |
Curtis
Dearlove
Jordan |
2C |
|
3C |
Slade |
1C1R |
Kirkpatrick |
1C2R |
Blackman
Slade |
2C1R |
Blackman
Slade |
Therefore, at the furthest extremities of the Curtis
family, the Slades themselves swim into view. To put the relationship
into context, we find that Charlotte’s third cousin, born 1822, was Kezia
Slade, sister to Henry, the recipient of the letters.
The letters scarcely mention the Curtis family. We
hear about George Curtis. He borrowed a horse from the Slades to take his
wife over to Hanney. They wondered whether he had overriden it, for the
horse died that night, despite the horse doctor’s efforts. His niece,
Martha Curtis, whom Charlotte calls ‘Patty’, had worked for Mrs Lawson as
a servant, and was quite a favourite. She marries John Baker in 1840.
Charlotte saw them go to church when she went down to see Old Mrs Fuller.
By 1843, she has died, probably in childbirth, leaving John and two tiny
children. John later marries Maria, the widow of William Grove.
Tirrold has two BALL households: Elizabeth
(1789-1852) and the agricultural labourer, George (1785-). Elizabeth is
George’s sister-in-law, having married his brother William. The Slade
name surfaces again, because we know that the mother of George and William
was one Elizabeth Slade (1758-1822). We cannot, however, directly relate
her into the main Slade family. Part of the Ball family links into the
Herberts and Keates. Another part connects with the Popes. We hear that
Ann Ball, one of George’s daughters, decides to get married, leaving Mr
Noad, the clergyman, needing to fill her place as teacher.
The KEATE family has a venerable history portrayed by
the Parish Records. In 1841, the Census listed six households of the Keate
name. At least four of them have direct relations. Two sons of the
parish clerk Zachary, William (1786-) and James (1783-1847) show how the
same name is linked and how it goes across sectors. Three of William’s
sons, William, Charles and Robert have their own households. Only for the
remaining household, containing Jane Keate (1765-1846) and the widow Sarah
Saunders (1782-), do we have problems making a direct linkage.
Incidentally, Sarah Saunders was yet another Blackman. As we will see,
William worked as a carpenter, but others of the Keates laboured in the
fields.
The NEAL family is obscure, but one branch of it
connected with the Popes, the Cliffords, and even the Parsons. The
CORDEROY family has strong connections with the Fullers, accompanying them
from Blewbury to Aston at the beginning, but also seems to have connected
into the Blackman family, although the linkage is not completely clear.
Finally, we should mention Joseph LANE. Working here
as an agricultural labourer, he belonged to the large Lane family of which
we will hear more, many of whom worked in the corn trade at different
levels.
Since the people in the other quadrants have no
provable linkages with other families living in the villages, there is
little their discussion can add to this review. Apart from the Summersby
family, which mostly receives negative notices from the Slade letters, the
other names pass by virtually without mention. For example, we learn that
the Chesterman family occupies a Slade cottage but we know little else
about them or the others.
Profile of Astons' Society;
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