Juan Vicente Gomez was President of Venezuela from 1909-1935. A classic caudillo, (strong leader
bolstered by a
sort of cult of strong personality traits and inscrutable benevolence), he
was a tyrant and a despot that feared foreign influences and all threats real or perceived, to his power. He would not let
refineries or a decent school system be built as they would bring too much western influence and ideas.
American oil workers were segregated in exclusive compounds and education was
not high on the Gomez list of priorities (Un pueblo manso es un pueblo feliz-"an uneducated, unquestioning people are a happy people"}. He won the approval of foreign
governments by always meeting international obligations and an aggressive campaign
to influence foreign public opinion through the cultivation of journalists and
various deceptions. What follows is a briefing of his life and times prepared for individuals who already had
a rough knowledge of Latin American History and I apologize if it assumes too much or leaps too far.
This fascinating man who ruled for so long with an iron hand had a great effect
on Venezuela and its eventual adoption of democratic government that has survived over 40 years(an impressive record in
Latin America ), partly in reaction to dictators like Gomez and Jimenez whose politics of national isolation, ignorance,
terror and intimidation ruled for much of this century. Many would question if the power sharing system agreed to at Punto Fijo resulted in a truly representative democracy but it was certainly not a despotic or militaristic dictatorship of the left or right either. My thesis here is that by avoiding
the international debts that resulted in U.S. Occupations of the Dominican Republic, Cuba, and Haiti
, Gomez was able to keep the autonomy of Venezuela intact and helped foster
a strong sense of national pride and unity despite his despotic, and at times horrifying
proclivities.
The Britannica article begins like this...."Gómez, Juan Vicente
| b.
1857/64, San Antonio de Táchira, Venezuela d. Dec. 17, 1935, Maracay |
"Yes We are very proud of our country. For one
thing , we have no internal or external debts....
Venezuela is in debt to no one. As a matter of
fact" , and he would emphasize each word with a nod
of his head, "our treasury is filled to
overflowing." And he would sit back to let the
weight of the words sink in .
Invariably the visitor might ask, "I am told
Venezuela has to import her foodstuffs. Is that
so?"
"Import foodstuffs", he would snort, glancing
in feigned surprise, "Haven't you seen our farms?"
... ..."And revolutions, aren't there ever any
revolutions in Venezuela?"
"There has been, he would say , adroitly
evading the question, "peace in Venezuela for
thirty-two years." He would discretely omit to
mention the many embryonic revolutions and the
snuffing out of thousands of lives to preserve the
status quo of the Gomez clan.
"Liberty is the most foolish of all hopes"
El Benemerito,
Juan Vicente Gomez
- John Lavin, A Halo for
Gomez
The strategic and economic importance of Venezuela to
the U.S. were demonstrated at the dawn of this century.
Intervention in support of Venezuelan territorial claims and
U.S. security under the Monroe Doctrine and the Roosevelt
Corollary was directed at stemming European influence and
imposing fiscal responsibility on the corrupt and bankrupt
regime of General Cipriano Castro. Frustrated by the chaotic
feuding of ungovernable regional caudillos and the wily
evasiveness of Castro in settling debt obligations Theodore
Roosevelt broke relations in 1907 and exclaimed, "Someday I
fear we shall have to spank Venezuela!".1 Stability was an
objective that seemed remote until the ascendancy of Juan
Vicente Gomez, "El Brujo de la Mulera" known as "El
Benemerito" by his loyal cronies.2 Secretary of State Elihu
Root's counsel of a more benevolent approach to Venezuela
became a possibility.3
Gomez demonstrated an exceptional military prowess. As
Castro's general he effectively crushed opposing caudillos,
consolidating power first in his native state of Tachira in
the Andes. The relatively prosperous coffee and cattle region
was to produce every president for decades. Gomez, a mestizo
rancher and farmer, ultimately assumed the presidency from
his former friend and mentor Castro whose regime was
crumbling under the weight of foreign pressure to satisfy the
debt and poor health in December, 1907. The controversial 27
year dictatorship brought national consolidation and organ-
ized terror and repression of dissent on a scale hitherto un-
known. Torture and intimidation were supplemented by the
effective use of the newly available telegraph to crush the
merest whisper of infidelity to the virtual fiefdom of "El
Benemerito".
Years later, Juan Bosch, reformist President of the
Dominican Republic would make an important distinction.
Previous heads of state had political purposes and were
interested in control over military forces. Self enrichment
through abuse of power had ample precedent and was a by-
product of politics. Gomez's purpose was nothing less than
economic control, latifundism taken to what he deemed a
logical end.4
To the U. S. Gomez offered a stability and openness to
investment that was infinitely preferable to his predecessors
intransigence. By avoiding interventions more serious than
the occasional gunboat off La Guaira or Puerto Cabello, the
U.S. divorced itself from the contradictions inherent
elsewhere in the Caribbean. Occupations of neighboring Haiti
and the Dominican Republic fostered a paternalistic concern
and involvement difficult to reconcile with the principle of
self determination and unsuccessful in imparting the
democratic values the U.S. deemed necessary for successful
self government. "Liberty is the most foolish of all hopes",
declared Gomez, perhaps chillingly astute for his time.5
Remarks such as this prompted President Woodrow Wilson
to declare "This scoundrel ought to be put out" while the
State Department insisted relations under Gomez were an
improvement.6 A germanophile with Prussian trained Chilean
officers aiding his consolidation of unruly provincial
generals, Gomez's flirtation with Germany caused a wary U.S.
to send secret agents to Caracas during World War 1.7 A
realist, Gomez was always cautious, avoiding conduct that was
certain to invite the wrath of what he realized was
preponderant power and influence. This did not preclude him
from seeking to counter this power through European
investment.
An important distinction should be made . Gomez regarded
financial obligations as sacred if the integrity and prestige
of his regime were to be established and maintained. This
prescience on his part served him well in the court of
international opinion, the only arena outside his family
where he deemed it expedient to cater to another's
perceptions. Thus the dichotomy between internal and external
norms of political behavior. To the world at large Gomez
promoted his slogan of "Union, Paz, y Trabajo" which his
people joked meant unity in jail, peace in the grave, and
work on his infamous road gangs. Roads were "built primarily
with a military objective" by "peones camineros" who were
"marvelously faithful" according to a visiting Georgetown
School of Foreign Service delegation.8
They probably were unaware of the extent of Gomez's
repression such were his skills at giving "potemkin village"
tours of the countryside. These roads were known as "caminos
de los muertos" to Venezuelans. Gomez promoted himself as a
boon unto his people and a "restorer of peace to the
hemisphere".9 His Foreign Ministry was "staffed by people who
believed the only salvation was to be in the strongman, that
Venezuela was in no position to even approximate some type of
democracy".10
Perhaps it was not. Nevertheless, his people suffered
fearful degradation or death on whimsy (in violation of the
then present and virtually all previous Constitutions) and
were purposefully kept ignorant and apolitical. Not only was
no political tradition allowed to develop, the fragile
existent tradition was ruthlessly suppressed to the point of
extinction domestically, while a fragile exile community that
had survived the excesses at home searched for an applicable
political theory abroad. This is "not to suggest any simple
minded notion of external coercion by North American
capitalists busy dictating behavior to Venezuelan dependents.
Quite the contrary, it was Venezuelans who, in acquiring the
benefits of North Atlantic trade and capital investment, also
acquired new values".11
An indication of the extent of internal control over
external influence in the twilight of the regime was the
Gomez habit of privately screening and censoring all motion
pictures he deemed detrimental or subversive. Indeed upon
Gomez's death on December 17th, 1935 (coincidentally on the
anniversary of Simon Bolivars death), the Venezuelan people
were surprised to find that with the exception of Mexico
Venezuela was held in high esteem by the international
community.12 A public relations blitz included the bribery
of writers and newspaperman and extravagant hospitality
towards foreign guests and diplomats. Many, if not most, were
fooled. U.S. Minister Preston MacGoodwin (1914-1919) was
accused of being a willing fool who made a fortune with a
crooked import company.13 Gomez did his best to suppress any
nascent revolution of rising expectations. He achieved this
by isolating his people from the world and keeping them
ignorant.
The wealth of Venezuela's predominantly agrarian economy
was to be dramatically altered by the states exploitation of
its enormous subsoil wealth. Petroleum reserves are among the
largest in the world but their development lagged behind
areas such as the Middle East and Persia. Eventually swarms
of foreigners, American refugees from the closeout in the
Tampico oil fields in Mexico and a host of other adventurers,
invaded the state of Zulia. The most famous discoveries were
in the little town of Cabimas. Maracaibo grew explosively.
By 1928 Venezuela was the leading exporter of oil in
world. In the late 19th Century pits of asphalt were mined
and some of this flowing tar eventually paved the streets of
New York City and Washington. Foreigners and natives alike
were generally unaware of its significance. Not until Gomez
was the mammoth job of exploration, drilling, and the
construction of roads and infrastructure undertaken.
This process slowly brought forth the geysers. The
remote and dangerous concession sites were invested with such
hazards as flak jacket piercing poison arrows catapulted by
unconquered Motilone Indian warriors.14 Geronimo had long
since surrendered.
These conditions may explain an incident described by
Jose Rafael Pocaterra, a Minister of Development assigned to
Zulia who went on to revolt against Gomez. In "an episode of
the origins of the Yankee incursion in Venezuela", Pocoterra
describes an encounter with a Mr.Nash of the Rowlan Bartlett
Company and his band of hired guns who disavowed his
authority, threatened him with firearms and finally set fire
to the field they stood on by authority of "the company" .
For Pocaterra this is an example of "that infamy of some
fools that negotiate for sums that are ridiculous in relation
to there real worth."15
Venezuelans have historically been cautious in their
negotiations on oil concessions and Gomez was no
exception. The petroleum laws of 1918 continued a trend of
securing better terms as oils importance grew. Venezuela
drove a harder bargain than many of its contemporaries. A
two stage concession process, one for exploration, one for
exploitation, guaranteed Venezuelan ownership of half the
land exploration proved to be endowed with reserves. Ever
present opportunities for corruption were not ignored and
many of these concessions were illegally transferred to
foreign ownership enriching favored gomecistas.16
The construction of refineries on Curacao and Aruba
instead of the Venezuelan mainland was a rallying point for
those who viewed U.S. economic intervention in the
development of petroleum as inimical to the interests of the
people in benefiting from their subsoil wealth. Geography
was a factor (Lake Maracaibo was not deep enough for ship
transit) but evidently domestic political reasons were
largely to blame . The "Well Deserving" feared a
concentration of workers laboring alongside U.S. technicians
would provide fertile ground for "agitators" who were
"infiltrating the oil camps"17. Lavin notes that "wealth was
flaunted in the very face of abject poverty. It is a wonder
that life proceeded so smoothly without undue mishap Into
what had been an unfertile backwater by Venezuelan standards
came "el baile de los millones".18 Mule paths became
machinery laden highways. A new era had begun . With the
rush of foreigners came modernizing influences that seeped
out of segregated foreign compounds and added fuel to fires
already burning in cosmopolitan Caracas and abroad.
Before examining the origins of dissent and the birth of
modern reformist political movements the financial effect of
petroleum should be examined. It is generally conceded that
without oil revenues Gomez would never have succeeded in
paying of the tremendous debt he inherited. His stability
rested on this ability. By freeing himself from outside
intervention for debt obligations he gained non interference
in internal affairs by foreign powers. With this free hand he
forged a strong central government and developed national
institutions. Uniting a nation near anarchy necessitated
harsh measures. Oil wealth bought allies and permitted
limited development and the type of monuments of which
dictators are so fond. A people largely ignorant of the
marvels of the 20th Century would be satisfied with meager
forms of progress.
Dissenters were either killed, silenced, or exiled.
Such a policy could not help but contribute to a latent
unrest. Disaffected hacendados forged alliances with
caraqueno oligarchs. Students "examined the current
revolutionary doctrines and decided that the attacks upon
feudalism and imperialism were particularly applicable to
conditions in Venezuela".19
A young firebrand named Romulo Betancourt used his
considerable oratorical skills to antagonize the Gomecistas.
A preliminary survey of the prevailing political theories of
the day initially convinced Betancourt that Marxist analysis
was applicable to the Venezuelan situation and he became a
Communist. He had no direct links with Moscow, as did Gustavo
Machado, founder of the Partido Communista Venezolano, and
those who formed the first Marxist study cells in 1929.20
Betancourt, who with such figures as the literary giant of
Venezuela, Romulo Gallegos, went on to found Accion
Demoratica, which survived the Jimenez dictatorship of the
fifties and in institutionalized form holds power today. In
1949, after the realities of Venezuela's unique situation
and time fostered a political maturation, Betancourt
renounced communism. 21
Students of Caracas Central University shared a common
revulsion for the militarist regimes excesses which
transcended their various reasons for ending the Gomez
tyranny. They were supported by disaffected oligarchic
elements and down on their luck caudillos, among then Andean
caciques who had road with Gomez to power. These
"Veintiochistas" so named for the riotous revolt of 1928 went
on to pursue their goals in exile and sponsor the Plan of
Barranquilla in 1931. This document, authored chiefly by
Betancourt, laid the basis for the reformist agenda of the
Agrupacion Revolutionaria de Izquierda (ARDI), forerunner of
Accion Democratica. The plan concluded that "the imperialist
international has maintained and sustained Gomez in Venezuela
as they have sustained and maintained governments of force in
any of these countries, with brutal repression to throttle
all aspirations for improvements by he working class".22
The 23 year old was to temper this rhetoric as events
progressed and political maturation occurred.23 "Betancourt's
communism stemmed from desperation over Gomez and ignorance
of the socio-economic realities of the American people which
provided a fertile ground for the messianic hope for
revolution - a la rusa." 23 Upon the death of Gomez from
failed health a political tradition infused with democratic
ideals incorporating a wider range of views than those of
Betancourt had been established. The significance of this
development was not lost on a Gomez general, Eleazar Lopez
Contreras, who rode the storm of public unrest following the
dictators death and wisely instituted reforms that allowed
steam to escape from the boiling cauldron of resentment and
democratic aspiration Gomez's regime engendered.
"Although Juan Vicente Gomez was the archetypal caudillo,
his administration set in motion forces which were to end the
caudillo system, organize a real national army, and develop
the oil industry."24 A relationship of mutual accommodation
with the United States allowed for autonomy and the avoidance
of the type of direct intervention the U.S. imposed on other
Central American and Caribbean states of the period . This
relative independence of internal direction of affairs was in
part due to external international compliance with financial
obligations and a foreign policy designed to placate and
forestall the chiefly congressional critics of his repressive
regime in the U.S. The position of the U.S. avoided a
potential political and administrative quagmire while gaining
a strong foothold in a country whose strategic importance was
greatly enhanced by the discovery and exploitation of
petroleum. By allowing political exiles safe haven indirect
aid was given to revolutionary movements which eventually
led to the development of a democratic political
tradition in Venezuela. The seeds of change were sown.
NOTES
1.As quoted in Sheldon B. Liss, Diplomacy and Dependency
Venezuela, The United States, and the Americas (Salisbury,
N.C.,1978),p.47
2. "El Brujo de la Mulera" translates as "The Sorcerer
of the Muleyard". Gomez was renowned for his divinatory gifts
and circumspect nature. "El Benemerito" means "The
Welldeserving".
3.Ibid.,p.44
4."El interes primordial de Castro era el poder sobre
fuerzas militares y humanes, no el central de la economia
nacional" and "el tirano no era un politico sino un
negociante y un latifundista", Juan Bosch and Luis Cordero
Velasquez, Juan Vicente Gomez: Camino del Poder, (Caracas,
1982 ).p.35
5. John Lavin, A Halo for Gomez, (New York,1954).p.412
6. Liss,p.68
7. Ibid.p.80
8. Georgetown School of Foreign Service, Venezuela,
An Economic Report. (Georgetown,1921).p.67
9. Liss,.p.83
10 Ibid.p.99
11. John V.Lombardi, Venezuela; The Search for Order,
the Dream of Progress. (Oxford,1982).p.227
12- Lavin, p.98 The Vasconcelos Affair caused a
diplomatic break. Vasconcelos, a Mexican journalist, called
for Gomez's assassination.
13. Ibid., p.172
14. Ibid., p.295
15. Jose Rafael Pocaterra, Memorias de un Venezolano
de la Decadencia. (Caracas, 1979) p.320 "Un episodio
de los origenes de la incursion de los yanquis en
Venezuela",... "Quien le ha dado a usted tal orden?"
"'La compania', repuso con los manos puestas en las culatas
de sus dos pistolas de caballeria" ..."en el propio teatro de
los acontecimientos aquella infamia de unos insensatos que
negociaban en Caracas por sumas ridiculas en relacion a lo
que significaba el vendido".
16. Robert J. Alexander, Romulo Betancourt and the
Transformation of Venezuela (New Brunswick, 1982).
p.13
17. Lavin, p.306. Lavin continues " So strong was the
dictators stranglehold upon these wretched and oppressed
people that they dared not beg for the crumbs from his
overflowing table".
18. trans."dance of the millions"
19. Charles D, Ameringer, Democratic Left in Exile: The
Anti-Dictatorial Struggle in the Caribbean 1945-1949
(Miami,1974).p.23
21. "Venezuela is engaged in a profound renovating
transformation in its political, economic, and social
organization, which requires, in order to have historical
validity and guarantee of permanence, a great democratic
party, in which are joined, around a concrete party and
within a single party discipline, the advanced sectors of all
the creative, productive social classes, and not of only one,
the working class. I consider a Communist party unnecessary
in the country. I reject the Communist Party ...because its
dependence on Moscow converts it into a simple bureaucracy
appendage of the Soviet state." Alexander, p.162
22. Ibid.p.57
23. Ameringer, p.26
24. Alexander, p.12
...........................................................................................................
Bibliography
Alexander, Robert,. Romulo Betancourt and the Transformation
of Venezuela. New Brunswick, 1982.
Ameringer, Charles D., The Democratic Left in Exile: The
Anti-Dictatorial Struggle in the Caribbean 1945-1959.
Miami, 1974.
Betancourt, Romulo, Venezuela: Petroleo y Politica. Caracas,
1967.
Bosch, Juan; Cordero Velasquez, Luis, Juan Vicente Gomez -
Camino del Poder. Caracas, 1982.
David Leon, Ramon, El Brujo de la Mulera. Caracas, 1976.
Gallegos, Romulo, 1948-1958 Cuba: Patria del Exilio Venez-
olano, Caracas, 1982.
Georgetown School of Foreign Service, Venezuela; An Economic
Report Presented as an Aid to the Foreign Trade of the
United States. Georgetown, 1921.
Lavin,John, A Halo for Gomez. New York, 1954.
Levine, David H., Conflict and Political Change in Venezuela.
Princeton, 1973.
Liss, Sheldon, Diplomacy and Dependency: Venezuela, the
United States, and the Americas. Salisbury, N.C. 1978.
Lombardi, John V., Venezuela; The Search for Order, the Dream
of Progress. Oxford, 1982.
Pocaterra, Jose Rafael, Memorias de un Venezolano de la
Decadencia. Caracas, 1979.
In time The Rant Pages will include essays by guest authors and ranters. All submissions to jtisdall@CapAccess.Org that concern Venezuela will be considered. Short winded comments can be submitted to The Your Thoughts Page and will be added to the list of comments at the bottom of the page as they are received. I will endeavor to add comments in timely fashion but since I am not able to use a CGI script to modify the page automatically, expect delays.
