WESTERN AUSTRALIA

Atlas Page 96
By Sir T. Cockburn-Campbell

Prospects of the Colony Political History

PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY.

IN view of recent events, and of the hopes held out that discoveries of golden treasure may soon place Western Australia under new and more favourable conditions, the prospects of development of the colony cannot be stated at present with any approach to certainty. Until lately the outlook for the south western and more settled portions of the territory was fairly hopeful but by no means brilliant. Steady progress could be counted upon; plodding industry, intelligently applied, was sure to meet with its reward; in tracts of excellent land scattered through forest and through plain, on hill-side, in valley and on river bank, was room for a fairly large and thriving agricultural population, content to work with diligence for modest comfort. But wanting those mineral resources which attract population, furnish the means of development, and create markets, there was no ground to anticipate any "mushroom" growth of settlement, such as so frequently has been known in the eastern colonies. Even under the most favourable conditions difficulties are usually encountered in bringing together the people and the soil; and in the south western agricultural portions of the colony the conditions are not favourable. Except in the Champion Bay district, where the fertile Greenough Flats and Irwin River banks are within easy carting distance from the coast, and in the eastern districts where railway communication has been afforded, most of the lands best suited for agriculture are difficult of access from market and port.

485 Wesleyan church, PerthAgain, some of the richest soils are most heavily timbered, such for instance as those of the Blackwood, over which jarrah, gums, and grass-trees grow in luxuriant profusion, disheartening to the would-be farmer unless he be backed with more capital than Western Australian settlers can generally command. But the chief drawback to the agricultural progress of the colony is that, except in some few favoured spots, large tracts of arable land of a uniform character are rarely to be met with. Patches of loamy soil, from a few acres to a few hundred acres in extent, are scattered over the sand plains and timber ridges, while alluvial deposits, sometimes broadening to a fairly wide extent, at other times narrow and occasionally leaving gaps, border most of the river banks. But except, as has been said, in a few of the best of the south-western areas in Champion Bay’, about Gingin, in the valley of the Avon, at the Blackwood, and in some few other localities, uniformly good and extensive stretches of farming land are wanting. There are, therefore, practical difficulties in the way of laying out agricultural areas, and of placing immigrants upon them. Attempts to do this have seldom been attended with much success. Settlement has progressed almost entirely by free selection on the part of labourers, artisans, or teamsters who have saved a little money, sandal-wood getters, small stock-owners and others, who have taken up choice spots which had come under their notice —bits of land most easily cleared and brought under cultivation. Thus, outside the ports and little inland townships where population centres, the settlers for the most part are dotted about in more or less isolated positions; the distances to be traversed in carrying goods and produce are great, and profits correspondingly small; and these difficulties of transit prevent any but the best lands from being cultivated to the advantage of the farmer. The railway policy upon which the colony has entered, however, bids fair to have a marked effect upon its agricultural prosperity. There is every reason to believe that the line from Albany, to Beverley, passing through and tapping a large amount of useful country, will gather settlement along its course, which, having cheap communication with ports and markets, will thrive and spread where previously the operations of the cultivator could not be carried on with any prospect of success. The line in contemplation from Guildford to Geraldton, also, carried up the Swan valley, through Gingin, the Victorian Plains, the estate of the Benedictine Mission, and the Irwin, should rapidly spread settlement in localities of a promising and fertile nature. The climate throughout these south-western districts, for the development of which by railway’s a large outlay is being made and is in contemplation, equals any in Australia, and though cereals cannot probably be grown on a sufficiently large scale to make their production for anything but home consumption of certain profit, there is in Western Australia a vast and splendid field for the vineyard, the orangery, the olive grove, and the orchard. The special cultures of the colony in the future may be expected to be those of Southern Europe, which cannot fall to bring in a large measure of solid and of lasting, prosperity as its population continues to increase.

In the extreme south and on the Darling Ranges, an almost inexhaustible supply of timber, principally jarrah and karri, presents apparently a considerable source of wealth. But from the export of this product the colony hitherto, has derived no great advantage. Most of the timber mills have been worked with capital introduced by foreign companies. Either through extravagant management or from other unexplained causes, few of these undertakings have been profitably carried on, and all the benefit the colony has derived from their operations has been the circulation of a certain amount of money paid as wages and for haulage, besides the customs duties upon considerable quantities of goods imported for the supply of the mill hands. Efforts are being made, however, to find in Europe better markets for West Australian timbers, and possibly in the future the endless forests of the south-west may be turned to more remunerative account than has been found possible up to the present time.

It has already been said that outside the south-western districts the rainfall is not sufficient to permit of agricultural pursuits being, successfully carried on, or rather it might be more accurate to say that the rainfall is not distributed under conditions favourable to the prosecution of the farmer’s industry. On the coastlands of Kimberley indeed, the cultivation of tropical products may possibly in the future be undertaken, while water-conservation and irrigation may perhaps eventually alter the prospects of agriculture elsewhere. But Western Australia, north of the Murchison and east of the south-western coast belt, is essentially a pastoral country, and as such has a grand future before it.

491 Wyndham, Cambridge GulfThe worst, most dangerous, and most costly part of the work of pioneering has already been accomplished. A line of pastoral settlement covers with but few gaps the coastlands from Eucla to Wyndham, occasionally extending for long distances inland. The chief troubles with the natives have been overcome, and from them the progress of settlement is no longer likely to suffer. In many of these vast areas of the colony are lands which for pastoral purposes can scarcely be surpassed, while lone, continued and destructive droughts have been hitherto unknown. All that is now wanted for a great and rapid development of Western Australian wool production, is capital to supplement the energies of her settlers, and to aid them in making good use of the natural advantages of their position. Without fencing and water conservation, but especially the former, essential everywhere for any satisfactory pastoral progress, but little success attends the exertions of the West Australian squatter. Efforts at effecting improvements of this important character are by many of the latter now being attempted. But the resources at their command as a rule are limited, and shepherding is still too generally resorted to. The field which the colony presents for the investment of capital in pastoral property is almost limitless, and lands, ranging in quality from fair to the highest class, offered for lease under liberal conditions, give promise of much eventual profit for operations in this direction.

While wool production remains Western Australia’s chief resource, any rapid increase of her population is unlikely to occur. Immigration on a large scale can neither be expected to take place naturally, nor can safely be attempted artificially. Pastoral and agricultural pursuits, pearl shelling, timber-getting, and the various other industries of the country cannot absorb a continuous stream of new arrivals, and any attempt to suddenly swell the numbers of the community could only in present circumstances place the colony under the temptation to resort to a ruinous policy of "loan upon loan," in order to find work for the unemployed, and to create a fictitious and temporary prosperity. This being the case the development of such mineral resources as Western Australia possesses has the most important bearing upon her future, large and rapid progress being dependent upon it, and more especially upon the establishment of the gold-mining industry. Of this there is as yet only promise —a fair promise, but an uncertain one. Rich stone has been found in Kimberley, producing even under primitive treatment good, and in some cases, astonishing results. But whether the reefs will prove extensive and their yields lasting the future can alone determine. In the south, also, gold-bearing stone of a valuable character has in several localities been recently discovered. As yet, however, there is nothing beyond a strong probability that gold reefing will soon be added to the industries of the colony. If it be so, population will rapidly reach us and be readily absorbed, capital will be found for the development of other resources, large public works much required may safely be undertaken, and Western Australia will assume a place amongst the colonies of the group befitting her vast area and varied resources, and crowning with a well-earned reward the patient toil and long endeavour of her colonists.

POLITICAL HISTORY.

483 Old Government House, PerthTHE system of administration during the early years of Western Australian settlement was as primitive as the social conditions of the colonists. The governor was supreme. Associated with him as an executive council were the officer commanding the troops, a colonial secretary, a surveyor-general, and a legal official, described as the advocate general; the same members, with the addition of two nominees, forming also an embryonic legislature. As settlement extended government residents were appointed to the charge of various districts, with executive and legal functions, the chief law officer being styled commissioner of the civil court. The civil service was expanded gradually, but during the first forty years of the colony’s history the system of government underwent little change. There was during those forty years small aspiration after administration of a more popular type. The governors were seldom obnoxious or autocratic; with the leading settlers they maintained personal relations of a friendly social kind, and the views and wishes of the upper classes had full weight in determining the action taken. Nor were the urban populations large enough to breed democratic views and to press for constitutional reform. During the convict period personal government was almost a necessity; but no sooner had transportation ceased than political feeling began to awaken, and the people to manifest some desire to share more directly in the management of their affairs. Governor Weld, who arrived in the colony at that juncture, stimulated this desire to the utmost. Anxious to minister to the progress and welfare of the colony, but finding his schemes thwarted by the Downing-street authorities, he recognised the fact that his position with the latter would be far stronger were he backed by representatives of the people. In 1870 he was permitted to introduce a constitution in which the Executive remained practically unaltered, but was assisted by a legislature, two-thirds of whose members were returned by the constituencies into which the colony had been divided. This system of administration was well-suited to the then circumstance of the country, and —together with municipal institutions, roads and education boards, at the same time established —served to prepare the people for the exercise of more advanced self-governing, powers.

Until the arrival of Sir Frederick Weld, the Colonial Secretary had held a position practically little removed above that of the governor’s chief clerk, but to Mr. F. P. Barlee, who then -occupied the post, Sir Frederick extended a far greater confidence than had his predecessors. Virtually Mr. Barlee was permitted to assume a ministerial position, Sir Frederick freely using his ability and energy in forwarding the projects he had at heart. When the time approached for this governor’s removal, Mr. Barlee not unnaturally felt a disinclination to return to the subordinate position he had previously held, and consequently conceived the idea of placing himself in still greater power by becoming premier under responsible government. Governor Weld, but a twelvemonth earlier, had in a despatch to the Secretary of State expressed a decided opinion that the colony was not ripe for that form of constitution; he allowed himself, however, to be persuaded not to offer opposition to the wishes of his lieutenant, who pictured the colony’s possible relapse into stagnation under an administration of less progressive views. The active Colonial Secretary next devoted his energies to making converts of the members of the Legislative Council. With these Mr. Barlee had great influence and authority. Several of them were young men introduced to political life under his auspices, and it was felt that with so capable a leader the experiment of self-government might be made without imprudence. Accordingly, resolutions were passed almost unanimously, in 1874, requesting the governor to introduce a Constitution Bill conferring responsible government upon the colony. To this Sir Frederick Weld consented. Differences of opinion arose, however, as to the details of the measure, and the Legislature was dissolved. Upon the new Council meeting in 1875, Sir William Robinson having in the interval succeeded to Sir Frederick Weld, resolutions were again adopted expressing a desire for constitutional change, to which eventually a discouraging reply was received from the colonial office. Sir William Robinson had been instructed to put down the movement, but his became an easy task by the departure from the colony of Mr. Barlee, who, dissatisfied as he had expected to be with his altered position, took leave of absence, and subsequently accepted the government of Honduras. With the loss of its energetic leader the responsible government party immediately collapsed. Their policy had not been pressed upon its members by the public opinion of the constituencies; on the contrary, for the most part they had led their constituents under the inspiration of their chief. Responsible government for its own sake had not been the object of their desire. There were very few enthusiasts for responsible government as a system; it was sought as the only means of enabling Mr. Barlee and his adherents to continue unfettered that progressive policy commenced with so much success under Governor Weld. But when the originator and soul of the movement had departed, leaving amongst the local politicians no one who, at that time, possessed sufficient experience or influence to replace him, responsible government was quietly dropped, and although a section of the press continued to advocate it, no further steps were taken in the matter until several years had passed. When next this subject was brought forward, it was on the ground of the growing strength of public feeling.

483 Government House, PerthSir William Robinson’s rule was uneventful. Instead of leading the progressive party as Sir Frederick Weld had always done, he sought rather to moderate their ambition. Impatience at the interference of the Colonial Office and at the checks constantly placed upon the desire of the people for loans and public works began to find general vent, and when to Sir William Robinson succeeded Sir Harry Ord, in 1877, the latter found a far more wide-spread desire to throw off the trammels of Downing Street than had existed three years previously. In the Legislative Council a motion in favour of responsible government was again brought forward; it was rejected, but only to substitute an amendment plainly intimating that it would soon be impossible to stem the movement if the Secretary of State continued the existing policy of interference and of thwarting the popular longing for progressive measures. The Governor took advantage .of a visit paid by the present colonial secretary to England, to make through that gentleman strong representations upon the mischievous tendency of this obstructive policy. The result as that a loan was sanctioned, and the railway from Fremantle to Perth and Guildford commenced while the Downing Street officials gradually lessened the frequency of their intervention in the colony’s affairs.

This grievance mitigated, another soon arose in the want of control the House possessed over the expenditure of public money. No real power rested with the representatives of the people. Estimates indeed were passed, but as a mere matter of form. What money the government thought well to spend they spent; the legislature was helpless to prevent them. Not that accusations of serious extravagance could be brought against the -governor and his executive; they spent no more than they deemed it necessary to do in the interests of the public service. But by making themselves independent of the house for their requirements they wholly deprived that body of the power necessarily exercised by the guardian of the purse strings. During Sir William Robinson’s second administration strong remonstrances upon this subject were addressed to the Secretary of State, who promptly directed the introduction of a measure for securing to -the legislature further control of the finances. A bill was framed accordingly, under the provisions of which no unauthorised expenditure could take place-except in cases of emergency without the approval of a finance committee, acting for the house while its members were not in session. The result of this -measure was immediately apparent. The representatives of the people obtained an influence in the conduct of public business which they had never previously possessed; the government having become absolutely dependent upon them for supplies was compelled more closely to study their wishes and to give them the constitutional position to which they were rightly entitled. But this reform, sought for in the interests of the old constitution and with a view to prolonging its existence, was in itself a main factor in leading to the conclusion that responsible government must be accepted.

From 1875 to 1885 a majority of the members of the legislature remained opposed to the change, the country being much divided in opinion. As worked of late the old form seemed well adapted to the colony’s needs. The appointments made to the executive had not in every case, it is true, given public satisfaction. But the Downing-street authorities had, in other respects, almost wholly ceased to interfere in Western Australian affairs. The governor acted in full harmony with the Legislature, and without anything more than a formal reference to the colonial office decisions of importance were locally taken, works of magnitude were entered upon, and other steps taken for developing the resources of the colony by means of borrowed funds. Legislation, also, was practically free from Downing Street control, and, so far as general policy was concerned, Western Australia was to a great extent self-governed. Nevertheless, in the towns the desire for responsible government had been steadily making way. The upper classes and the Civil Service were opposed to it, as a rule, but amongst the majority in the urban populations it found wide support. The desire was based chiefly upon sentiment, but a sentiment which was more powerful than logic. With the awakening which railways and progress had brought about, and with the large accession of men from the eastern colonies, the people began to feel a sense of political inferiority; the fact of being a "Crown" colony was vaguely thought to be in some sense a disgrace. Western Australia, by reason of it, was supposed to be looked down upon by her more wealthy neighbours. With a few exceptions, however, the more experienced and prominent of Western Australian public men still shrank from constitutional change, regarding it with marked disfavour. They disliked and they distrusted some of the channels through which the reform movement was being worked; they considered the existing system of government well-suited to a small and scattered population they were satisfied with the large measure of influence they were able to exert in the management of affairs; they did not see their way to devote any greater amount of time and trouble to public business, while in certain political elements which were coming to the front they detected trouble. In 1886, however, as the result of certain bye-elections the reform party secured a small majority in the house-a majority which it was evident would go on steadily increasing and, in case of a general election, would become strong, and even overwhelming. In these circumstances it became necessary for the "Conservatives" to determine what position they should take: whether or not, that is to say, they should continue entirely to oppose the reform party now that the battle was practically won. It was decided no longer to oppose the popular desire and to join with the moderate reformers in endeavouring to obtain the best and soundest constitutional machinery which experience could suggest. The result was that in the winter session of 1886 resolutions moved by Mr. S. H. Parker in favour of responsible government were passed in the house by a large majority, only one elected member recording his vote against them.

Apart from the facts that of late years there has been little solid cause for dissatisfaction with the government, and that the people are given a large share in the management of their affairs, various causes, added to those already mentioned, contributed o retard general acceptance of the platform of the reform party By all thoughtful men, even amongst those who had joined in this movement for constitutional change, it was felt that the conditions of the colony were ill-suited for carrying on government under a system similar to that common to the eastern provinces. With a population sparsely scattered over an enormous extent of coastal lands, ranging from Eucla round to Wyndham, and concentrated only about the capital and its neighbour towns of the south-western corner, it could be no easy matter to secure for the vast outlying districts their due share of influence in the administration. Then, again, the number of men able to take part in public life was small, even in proportion to the smallness of the population. The Legislative Council contained members perfectly well able to undertake the management of the colony’s affairs-men who had experience in public life and training to public business. Amongst some seventy elected members, none of whom would discredit any colonial parliament, there was not wanting ability of a fair order. Amongst those also who had not yet had seats in the legislature numbers could be found capable of applying undoubted talent to the conduct of the country’s business. Unfortunately, however, Western Australia possessed few men of wealth; nearly all were workers, earning their living in various callings, in business or profession.

492 EveningResidents beyond the neighbourhood of the capital who could afford to devote their time to public work were few in number, and the parliament of the future even more than the legislature of the day must necessarily be composed of members with whom central interests would be likely to predominate. The most recent political development showed, however, that these drawbacks notwithstanding, the present system of administration was necessarily doomed. It is obvious that the political conditions of the colony as they temporarily exist cannot contribute to good government, and even amongst the strongest former opponents of the ministerial system are many who now feel convinced that the change has become imperatively requisite. Some time, indeed, may probably elapse before negotiations with the Secretary of State are brought to a completion, and Western Australia fairly takes its place among the Australian group by the introduction of responsible government. When eventually that system is applied, it may be hoped that forebodings of evil will remain unrealised, and that with her new constitution Western Australia may enter upon a period of larger progress and prosperity.

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