PRELUDE

There seems an upsurge of awareness here and there on the issues raised among us. It also seems logical to assume that we all Ethiopians still maintain our concern about the developments in our country. In such respect, discussions of diversified nature make sense. However, our talk should take us one step ahead in our developmental fora. After all, these are our national agendas, and no -one except for us could discuss on these matters and suggest solutions. So I found the recent discussions and reactions, in the cyber, thereof valid, regardless of their contents. Hence, I wanted to carry on, following my observations on the recent concerns and issues raised.

TIGREAN NATIONALISM

One can clearly see a categorisation in the writings reflected so far on the issue of Assab and the Tigrean Nationalism. Though they tell something about the richness in the diversity of views and ideas, it can not be a solution unless it is supported by pragmatic alternatives. Some writers still harbour anti-Tigrean feelings. We have witnessed the use of TPLF's deeds to insult the Tigrean people and belittle their role as Ethiopians. These are clearly reflected following Dagmawi's accusations of the possible TPLF- EPLF alliance. The support of Mr. Tollosa and the like (see commentary on the Dagmawi site on 30 and 31 July, 2000) on TIGRAY-TIGRIGNE hypothesis is baseless and full of speculations. Though we have heard about it so many times, I don't have a clue of its origin of existence. I don't think it is wise to still use Derg's anti-TPLF campaign weapon and hit the same drum this time. It made me recall Abarham Yayeh's TIGRAY TIGRGNE allegations, that were made to boost Derg's campaign against EPRD in the late 1980's. As the hypothesis was tested and rejected by the Ethiopian people and their struggle through time, such a theory can by no means be a point of argument again. Hence. I don't see the point of defending the Ethiopian people while disseminating hatred among them (against Tigreans) through unfounded (and rejected) accusations of Tigrean Nationalism. All the arguments are based on mere extrapolation and speculation. Dagamwi's concern was solely based on TPLF's past, to support his pessimist ideas about Ethiopia's future under the leadership of EPRDF and the theory of the quest for Tigrean Nationalism. Enough has been dwelt on this issue, so I don't think further discussion is necessary here.

THE ISSUE OF ASSAB

Many of the discussions and commentaries so far emphasised either on the inclusion of of Assab by hook or crook theory or the no-force for Assab option. The later makes sense. Let me support my points of argument for a peaceful (no-war) option on the issue of Assab from different perspectives raised.

Economic:

So far the arguments for the use of Assab for economic reasons by force are not convincing. This is just because of the mere fact that much would be wasted through sustained military expenses compared to what can be gained economically by using the port. More of Ethiopia's irreplaceable lives will be wasted to secure Assab, if it is abducted by force. I have mentioned earlier that the Assab port can't be a guarantee for economic prosperity and ease off our poverty - unlike what some writers are trying to say . Let's take the examples of Switzerland and other landlocked countries which are in the forefront of prosperity. The Swiss people have made a difference, and were able to secure their economies through financial institutions and tourism. As we all well know, we have better and untapped natural resources throughout the country that need our skill and knowledge to put them in to use. There are plenty of areas for tourism and other sectors that can help us develop our economy. Let's try to work for development and to work for our country rather than looking for means of dividing it and finding a place where we could sit and eat.

Military Security:

Some writers are trying to tell us Ethiopia should have a port so that it can maintain its security and intelligence. However, military intelligence can't be guaranteed as long us we keep importing military hardware. There can't be a way to guaranty that those exporters will not selling-out such military information, when there is another interested party that can pay for it. Hence, as we don't produce our own and continue to import the military hardware, the issue of military information will still be in the hands of a third party. So our 'enemies to- be'- can easily get the information right from the source. So the best solution to secure our own military intelligence and information (if deemed necessary) is to build our capacity in this respect and produce our own. In that case, there won't be third parties to sell out our information and intelligence. Nonetheless, military victories can't be an end on their own unless supported by politics. After all, should we carry on developing our military when we have so many people that die from famine, hunger, malnutrition, lack of pure cleaning water, illness, and so on? I think the economic repercussions of building a large army is quite clear to all of us.

Red Sea Afars:

Mr. Tedros who presented us his 'analysis' (see Dagmawi site 1 /08/00) linked the issue of Assab with the Red Sea Afars. I have neither a problem nor doubt about the linkage. But the Afar people live in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Eritrea. It has been recommended by the same writer that once the Ethiopian forces seized Assab, the Afars will hold a referendum, in exercising their right to self determination. But who gave the mandate to Ethiopia to go into war for the Red Sea Afars and enable them to hold referendum? To the best of my knowledge, the Red Sea Afars have their own parties striving for their goal and end. I never heard of their delegation to the Ethiopian army and people to go into a war for this cause and on behalf of the Afar in Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti. Let's assume the Ethiopian government seized Assab and the Afars hold a referendum. The writer speculates that the Afars will choose to live with Ethiopia. How do we know that? If we know, why would Mr. Tedros expect a referendum to be held? What if the Afar people choose to be independent? Then. Will we be going to another cycle of war with the Afars to secure our natural sea outlet - as some writers are decribing Assab. I believe the Red Sea Afars should exercise their freedom in whatsoever way they want when they find it appropriate. We can't impose our wishes on them. The Ethiopian people could support this endeavour (like other independence struggles with a just cause) but can in no way be involved directly.

Historically:

Much has been said on this issue elsewhere, I don't want to bore the readers by repeating the same. If history of the 19th century is going to be our basis, then Eritrea is also a part of Ethiopia. If we don't accept the referendum of 1993, then it will not be a matter of Assab only, but also the whole of Eritrea that we claim back. But the majority of the Ethiopian people have long ago accepted the Eritrean independence. If we want to use the unclear-demarcation of the border as a pretext to include Assab as part of Ethiopia, why don't not we move up a bit and include Massawa? Our point of embarkation should be clear because our understanding will depend on our recognition of Eritrea as an indipendent state. Let me assume that we have accepted Eritrea as a sovereign country. Then, why has then Assab become a point of discussion on historical grounds. To me those raising the issue of Assab are either innocent people with no clear picture of the situation or are 'one- Ethiopian -pro- derg' functionaries, for whom the Ethiopian map still includes Asmara and the rest of Eritrea. The later are using this opportunity to go back to zero-start so that the Ethiopian people will perish for their 'one-Ethiopia' slogan. In this respect, the writers should be clear enough on their recognition of Eritrea, in presenting their analyse or commentaries for the benefit of their leaders.

WAY FOREWORD:

It would make sense to work on unity than divisive as long as our ideas and visions are not mutually exclusive. Let' have an open mind in this respect. Perhaps, we all wish for a better Ethiopia in our own ways, but let's put our wishes in the same line that our country is one! Dagmawi has raised some issues and all of us forwarded our reaction and opinions. But those opinions, as far as to the best of my knowledge are coming from individuals, and should be treated accordingly. These opinions, not necessarily reflect any political group. Though some feelings could be harboured and reflected, labelling writers is not justified, and we should be able to respect individual views as their own. Nevertheless, these views need to be discussed as some could be dangerous and cause public unrest! Our point of embarkation should be in this respect. On the other hand, as informed writers, let's not worship or denounce individuals but praise or reject their ideas. It would be more useful to discuss on issues based on facts. Let's avoid hearsays like that of Mr. Bereket (on the Dagmawi site 30/08/200) about the existence of secret talks between EPRDF and EPLF. Above all, nations and nationalities should be respected.

Any military move by the Ethiopian government to seize Assab should be avoided as there are no justified reasons to go for another cycle of bloodshed. So if we assume the no-Assab but peaceful scenario, can't we Ethiopians take the challenge? Should we have to give up? I suppose, no. We all need to stand together to face the required hard work, re-enforce our commitment and determination for our country. Fleeing from the country in search of better fortune somewhere else (as we see these days among ourselves) can not be a long lasting solution. If we are not able to take up the challenge, preaching that all development depends on Assab is immoral! Putting fuel into fire through ethnic agenda and political manoeuvring from a distance is unfair and unjust to the Ethiopian people! When that is the case, we have failed Ethiopia.

CONCLUSION

Let's be pragmatic, and have a positive thinking and avoid speculations. There is no doubt that everyone of us wish Ethiopia to have a sea outlet! However, there is no feasible alternative other than peaceful solution because continued and endless loss of lives can't be justified. Diplomacy is the only way for long lasting solution; and not declaring war. If we have to live in a no-port condition, then it will be imperative that we live according to the International Laws. Having a port could be one means for development, but it is by no means an end to overcome our poverty. In fact, ports have been the sources of conflict and bloodshed in Ethiopian history. Hence the challenge of developing our beloved country rests on ourselves!

I hope I have made myself clear.