After the collapse of the military dictatorship in May 1991, the TPLF led guerrilla movement took control of Addis Ababa, and gradually the entire country, except the red sea province of Eritrea. By default, the EPLF controlled Eritrea and established a de facto independent state of Eritrea, which was formalized in 1993. Since the TPLF dominated EPRDF regime controlled Ethiopia, the country has been segmented into ethnic federal states where the TPLF still retains the strongest influence. Nationwide opposition has been decimated to the extent that TPLF now retains an iron grip on the entire country. The ethnic-based federal structure, as disliked as it is by the majority of Ethiopians, has not even allowed people of the different ethnic groups in the so-called Kililis to exercise their economic, social and political rights. The new constitution approved by the TPLF-EPRDF regime even goes to ensure 'self-determination up to and including secession'. Multi-ethnic and unity based opposition is not tolerated and de facto considered as an archenemy of the country. Those who voice concerns about the future of the country and the divisive ethnic policy are dubbed and incriminated by the ethnocentric cadres as Neftegnas, Dergists, extremists, the old guards, and so forth. Opposition is tolerated only to the extent it accepts the incumbent constitution, and more importantly, as long as it is organized on ethnic lines in conformity with the politics of the day.

Until the animosity with EPLF erupted in May 1998, the TPLF-EPRDF officials slanted on the people of Ethiopia and despised the country's longstanding history without any moderation. Some have even shown disgust in using the name Ethiopia when they officially represent the country in the international arena. While the TPLF-EPRDF regime continued to destroy the country's defence forces including the navy and the airforce, the EPLF regime extended its invisible arm into Ethiopia ever since it controlled Asmara in 1993. Eritreans controlled key economic installations as well as military and security institutions. Under the cover of the structural adjustment programme, the TPLF regime threw out thousands of highly skilled Ethiopians, including University Professors, and started filling newly vacated positions by Eritreans and its own loyalists. On the other hand, the EPLF regime deported thousands of innocent Ethiopians empty-handed after their possessions have been confiscated, including gold extracted from their dental cavities.

Moreover, thousands of members of the former army vanished in the hands of the EPLF in Eritrea. Despite a public outcry in Ethiopia, the TPLF led regime dismissed all concerns and kept a blind eye to all these injustices committed by the EPLF. Instead, the TPLF-EPRDF continued to integrate Eritreans into Ethiopia and offer privileged concessions in terms of trade, direct economic grants, military hardware and training; all at the enormous cost to the economic and political security of Ethiopia and without an equivalent reciprocity from the Eritrean side. The bizarre alliance between the former guerrillas continued unabated even after Eritreans voted for a formal separation from Ethiopia; a controversial separation, which has not been debated in Ethiopia but formally facilitated and later approved by the TPLF leadership without the consent of the people of Ethiopia. As TPLF-EPRDF allowed the EPLF to inherit the leftover of the Ethiopian navy including its warships, Eritreans, including those who voted for the Eritrean independence, continued to receive Ethiopian passports and scholarships. Upon their return from abroad, many of the Eritrean scholars, abandoned their Ethiopian identity and moved to Eritrea to help build their newly found state of Eritrea.

By some surprising turn of events, Ethiopians were dumbfounded when the TPLF dominated regime announced the invasion of parts of the State of Tigray by Eritrea (indeed by EPLF as TPLF prefers to put it). Many including this writer never believed this to be true. The change in tones and official rhetoric indicated that the long-standing marriage between the TPLF and EPLF seemed to have entered into a new era; an era signalling bloodshed, confrontation and competition. The seemingly faultless partnership between the former allies has quickly erupted into something, which will gradually develop into one of the bloodiest wars after World War II. Erittrea moves its tanks and mechanized brigades into sovereign Ethiopian territory, and bombs civilian targets in Makelle, killing innocent schoolchildren. This marked a non-turning point in the dispute and sparked a virulent animosity between the TPLF and EPLF, both vowing to crash and destroy the other.

Instantly, the TPLF-EPRDF regime changed the domestic language and started beating the war drum in defence of the territorial integrity of Ethiopia. The newly found patriotism of the ethnocratic regime in defence of Ethiopian sovereignty astounded many Ethiopians. In all official rhetoric, the century old history of Ethiopia was now replaced by her proud history of over three thousand years; unity and territorial integrity replaced the divisive ethnic politics; and patriotic songs, which were hitherto banned in the media, were allowed extensively. The change in style seemed to be motivated mainly by the interest to grasp the patriotism of the Ethiopian public and the popular anger against EPLF regime, especially considering the unfair and exploitative relationships cultivated since 1991. Ethiopians, well known for their selfless heroism and love for their country, responded with profound anger, indignation, and strong determination to reverse the aggression and restore their damaged national pride and dignity. The peoples' instant response to the call in defence of the nation, despite the divisive domestic politics, has even surprised the EPLF regime. Families blessed their children to join the national army of liberation. The moral and material support poured across the country.

Because of the lack of strategic thinking, Ethiopia had to start almost from scratch to build its army so as to reverse the aggression. Even the long-standing Ethiopian airforce was in disarray while many of the officers languished in prisons. Some of them are still believed to be in the notorious jails. This has delayed victory and gave valuable time for the enemy to perfect its plan of executing the war. Finally, the war started in February 1999. Thanks to the precious sacrifices made by the Ethiopian forces, Badme was soon liberated. After Badme, the standoff continued for another year. In the second large scale offensive in May 2000, Ethiopia liberated all the remaining occupied areas, but stopped short of capturing the Assab port. After the Ethiopian gallant forces had occupied chunks of the enemy territory, Eritrea accepted Ethiopia's stated terms, leading to a ceasefire and cessation of hostilities. Once again, victory was achieved through enormous sacrifices made by heroic Ethiopian forces even when the international community failed to support Ethiopia's cause and condemn the Eritrean aggression. One must underscore the huge sacrifice paid by the young Ethiopian men and women who had paid the ultimate sacrifice to achieve what Ethiopia has achieved so far. The economic cost of the war and the time and effort diverted from other vital development issues, for over two years now, cannot also be overemphasized.

So the vital national question that Ethiopians should ask now is where do we go from here? The groups (and people) our leaders trusted so much have stabbed us on our backs with weapons donated to them and officers our country had trained and educated. While we continue to shamelessly plead for food handouts to feed millions of our starving people, the impoverished country has been footing the costly war, which has consumed several millions of national resources. While our meagre resources were being squandered to dislodge the invading forces, the AIDS epidemic continued and continues to silently deprive the most productive and able members of our society.

If Ethiopia were blessed with visionary leaders who take the country's interests at heart, the disastrous war may also have been avoided altogether or at least the human loss and economic costs may have been minimized. Are our leaders able to build and capitalize on the positive political momentum created after the war and take a responsible stand in the interest of the future economic and political security of Ethiopia? Are our leaders able to learn from past mistakes and consummate the victory brought by the enormous sacrifices so as to create a better future for tomorrow's children of Ethiopia? Are our leaders able to listen to the popular demand for a legitimate right of access to the sea; a right of access, which has always been ensured by our keen and vigilant predecessors? Or will they rekindle the unjust and suicidal relationship that existed prior to the war and lead our country back into another round of imminent war and destruction? There are credible fears that this dismal eventuality may as well emerge before even the mothers of thousands of Ethiopians who gave their lives in defence of the country are told about the fate of their children. An alliance against a perceived threat of pan-Ethiopianist forces or the 'renaissance of the Amhara' creates the strongest bond between the TPLF and EPLF. There are already some indications that authorities in Ethiopia had initiated covert bilateral talks with the EPLF leaders. The issues to be raised in such negotiations and enter into any possible agreement with Eritrea are going to have a profound impact on the future of Ethiopia. Furthermore, the international community, which has not always been favourable to Ethiopia, is following the issues very closely. This means that any agreement that fails to protect the strategic interests of the country will be very difficult to reverse in the future.

All the official pronouncements from Addis Ababa have all along emphasized the Eritreaness of the Assab port. While it is widely acknowledged that the border between the two countries has never been properly demarcated, this kind of unwarranted admission has only helped to block all opportunities for negotiations on the future status of Assab. If there exist better options under international law to argue for our right of access to the sea, why would our leaders cry for colonial agreements already nullified and invalidated by the historical issues? After all, Eritrea was, until recently, an internationally recognized province of Ethiopia, which makes the colonial treaties useless. If one had to stick for colonial arguments, Ethiopia may as well be considered as the last colonizer of Eritrea.

In the troubled and volatile regions of the horn of Africa, that we were able to find alternative ports at this time cannot be a guarantee that the future is riskless for our country. In fact, why should the impoverished country bankroll for using other's assets while she could invoke a legitimate right of using its own seaport? One cannot strangle the lives of sixty five million people to appease a belligerent and unreliable neighbour. Projections for Ethiopia indicate a population of 130 million in 2025. It may not be hard to imagine the level of food assistance and import of other basic goods like fertilizer, fuel, medicine, etc., that would be needed to support this huge population.

Landlocked Ethiopia will lose any strategic influence in the international arena and will be prone to constant military threats both from Eritrea and beyond. Landlocked Ethiopia would be doomed to remain weak both militarily and economically. We may witness one of the implications of this soon as Ethiopia may no longer boast as the seat of the OAU. Sacrificing what is rightfully ours without public debate and proper negotiations would only bring misery, poverty, and conflict for our children. The Ethiopian people cannot be summoned to fight the bloodiest of wars only to be shunned once the threat to the leadership disappears without any substantial gain to the country. In fact, one cannot easily explain why a leadership of a given country would fail to stand firm to protect the vital national interests of that country and prefer to throw away all the precious gains. Nation building requires a determination and commitment ala the ongoing negotiations between the Palestinians and Israelis. The authorities in Addis Ababa are duty bound to realize the far-reaching implications of loss of access to the sea and formulate a suitable strategy that insures Ethiopia's legitimate right to use the port of Assab. Ethiopia cannot wait to use its own resources until an invitation comes from Eritrea. Downplaying the strategic significance of Ethiopia's access to the port of Assab would only be suicidal to Ethiopia and serve the interest of the enemy. Protecting the interests of one's country could only win popularity and widespread support for the leadership! And as this war has aptly demonstrated, the leaders could only count on their people.

All Ethiopians should continue to put maximum pressure on the leadership in Ethiopia to consider the vital interests of the country including the issue of Assab, the release and repatriation of all Ethiopians held in Eritrea (including members of the former army), compensation for all the material and human losses, guarantees against any unprovoked aggressions in the future, and equitable terms for possible future trade between the two countries. Ethiopians, who already suffered the consequences of the unfair policies of the regime, should realize the future implications of these issues before it is too late and demand for better terms for Ethiopia in the ongoing negotiations. Failure to do so can only be expected to breed more poverty, destitution, conflict and war in the troubled region. Opposition groups in Ethiopia should soon start educating the public and call for an all out peaceful demonstration to demand for inclusion of these vital national issues in the process of negotiations. Such peaceful rallies can be a test of the regime's claim for democracy and respect for human rights. Ethiopians cannot be bystanders as their fate and survival are at stake!