Dagmawi:

In your July 15 commentary headlined "Renewal of EPLF-TPLF alliance: what prospects?", you asked "what would the TPLF do if it were faced with the choice between submitting to rule by a popular, nationalist Ethiopian political party or leading Tigrai to independence with Eritrea standing at its side as a strong ally?"

A TPLF leading Tigrai to independence?

Such a statement-like question is not only far-fetched, but also an affront to all those millions of Ethiopians who have been and are fighting for a united Ethiopia, an attack on the conscience of the people of Tigrai and on those scholars of history who in their volumes of works acknowledge Tigrai as the center of the Great Axumite Civilization and the Cradle of modern-day Ethiopia.

Why should the land that gave birth Ethiopia's all-time greats a Yared the musical genius, Zera Yacob the philosopher, and Alula the ace patriot opt for secession, self-negation and self humiliation? Why should Tigrai, the torch-bearer of the Victory of the Battle of Adua, the tormenting force of colonialism, degrade itself into a worthless life of living together with the riffraff of Italian colonialism?

There may be chances that a TPLF would do business - whatever that means - with EPLF. But to harbor an ill-gotten feeling and make statements thereon that Tigrai would break away because of TPLF's affinity toward EPLF means the angel would preach for co-habitation with the evil - and there would be eternal peace.

I believe misconceptions about Tigrai arise from a lack of intimate knowledge about what has been going on in Tigrai, and little wonder that some Ethiopians take Tigrai as a synonym of TPLF. Before I detail my reasonings, let me use an analogy to elucidate my point. Suppose there is only one newspaper in Tigrai. People will be seen reading the only newspaper available to them. This does not qualify them as a synonym for the newspaper. Other publishers should take the risk and penetrate the market of Tigrai, and through a publication that best meets the needs of Tigrai, win a huge public readership to their side. Same holds true to political groups opposed to the TPLF. They have to challenge TPLF to win part of the domestic constituency of Tigrai to their side. It would be nonsensical to be a passive onlooker about what is going on in Tigrai and pass a verdict that Tigrai is already a synonym for TPLF. Like the newspaper, Tigrai is also needs a choice.

To help dispel misconceptions, here are a few chronologically-placed facts that would justify how the Tigrai people have been quietly struggling for Ethiopian interests and against Eritrean hegemony and the ill-advised relations that had tied up the leaderships of EPRDF and EPLF (mainly) between the years 1991 and 1998. But first a few words on the Year 1984.

1984 - A devastating famine threatens the lives of millions of Ethiopians. A war between the TPLF and the Derg reaches a critical stage. To add insult to injury, Derg's Resettlement Program designed to depopulate Tigrai's rebel-backing rural population is in full swing. Tigrai is placed between the hammer and the anvil. When the whole world rallies to save Ethiopia, only one group wishes death for Tigrai: And that group is Isaias Afwerki's EPLF of Eritrea. EPLF denies TPLF access to transport relief food from the Sudan into TPLF-held areas in northern Ethiopia. Tens of thousands of TPLF combatants and supporting refugees in the Sudan warn TPLF to destroy EPLF or face the wrath of its own forces. TPLF succeeds in calming down the outrage, reasoning that such an engagement would weaken the Organization, and strengthen the Derg, builds a makeshift road that links Sudan with Tigrai in less than six weeks and saves lives. Of course, many Tigrians perished due to EPLF's diabolical measure. In the minds of Tigrians, the deadly Eritrean action in 1984 lives on as fresh a crime as committed only hours ago.

1991 - EPRDF defeats the Derg and marches into Addis Ababa. And EPLF comes out of its hibernation site at the foothills of the Nakfa mountain hideouts and walks into Asmara. EPLF starts Day One in office by deporting tens of thousands of Ethiopians from Eritrea. Eritreans destroy anything that bears the sign of Ethiopia. The Statue of Ras Alula is also axed to pieces. Recognized as people who worship their colonial masters, landmarks in Eritrea are re-named after long-forgotten colonial names. On the military side, an undisclosed number of Ethiopian soldiers are either executed, thousands more reduced to enslaved laborers in Eritrea's desert-like environments.

Many Tigrians who were born and raised in Eritrea become the victims of indiscriminate deportation orders by Isaias Afwerki. Ethiopians request the help of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi (then a transitional government president) to hold the Eritrean leader accountable for his criminal deeds. Meles justifies the actions of Isaias by dismissing questions raised by journalists as baseless.

1992 - Eritrea enjoys an unbridled economic access to Ethiopian markets. Driven by over-ambitious and greedy economic plans, it floods Tigrai towns with its brewery products. Tigrai, unforgetful of Eritrea's criminal past, silently boycotts Eritrea's products, notably its Mellottee beer. Tigrai derisively labels Eritrean beer as "ye-ferenj birra" and favors "yager-lij birra" such as Meta and St. George, that are being sold at higher prices than Eritrea's. Eritrea struggles with the boycott for a few more years till it is practically demoralized and closes down distribution centers (It should be borne in every Ethiopian's mind that the motive why Eritrea cluster-bombed Ayder School in Mekelle in June 1998 was to shatter the morale of Tigrai as an Ethiopian region which spearheaded the economic boycott against it. Besides, Eritrea considers Tigrai as the hub of Ethiopian patriotism, a force Asmara shivers at the thought of what a Tigrai standing united with the rest of Ethiopia can do in the event of an armed conflict).

1993 - The Ethiopian border town of Zalanbessa becomes a bone in the throat of Eritrea. Exploiting the Eritrea-favoring EPRDF-EPLF economic agreements, Eritreans descend on Ethiopian resources as scavenging vultures, and continue to smuggle goods out of Ethiopia into Eritrea via Zalanbessa. But Zalanbessa residents defy the warm Meles-Isaias relations and start to take unilateral actions to stop Eritrea's highway robbery. For years, Zalanbessa would become an epitome of Tigrian resistance against Eritrea's damaging relations with Ethiopia. Several low-level clashes between Zalanbessa residents and EPLF-backed armed Eritreans take place but get no coverage in Ethiopia's national press, save the then budding independent media in Addis Ababa. (The complete destruction of Zalanbessa by Eritrea during the latter's occupation of the town, and the bombing of the town of Adigrat earlier, should be borne in every Ethiopian's mind that Eritrea was avenging its humiliation by Zalanbessa and many other spots in Tigrai.

1994 - Dozens of Tigrians celebrating a TPLF founding anniversary in Asmara are wounded in a hand grenade attack. Ethiopian official media throws a news blackout at the incident. Voice of America Amharic Service broadcasts the report, adding to the resentment of Tigrians against the Meles government, which has never uttered a word till this day, leave alone to launch an investigation into the crime and bring the culprits to justice.

1996 - An Eritrean gunman assassinates Hayelom Araya - EPRDF's most popular commander. Known for airing anti-Eritrean views within the pro-Eritrea leadership, official media first targets to comfort a begrieved Tigrai by concealling the identity of the gunman, and then to dispel a circulating rumor that the killer is an Eritrean, resorts to wrongly identifying the criminal thug as Eritrean citizen of Tigrian origin from Shirre, Hayelom's home province. Nevertheless, demonstrations are held for several weeks in Tigrai, demanding an official inquiry into the death of Tigrai's most beloved commander. To quel the simmering unrest, the government in Addis posthumously honors Hayelom as major general. Tigrai demands inquiry, and government names the Holletta Military Academy after him. Tigrai demands inquiry, Government inaugurates a Statue of Hayelom in the slain hero's home town. So on and so forth.

1997-1998 Eritrea builds up its military extensively and Tigrai starts to complain that Eritrea is bracing up for an invasion. In a region where there is no independent media that would publish public fears that a foreign force is about to launch an invasion, the public rumor-mill is the only operating machine that spins facts in the form of rumors. Such public concerns pervade the society and a TPLF-affiliated magazine called "Asser" asks Meles how he sees Tigrai's concern that Eritrea's invasion is imminent. The Prime Minister dismisses the concern as a cheap talk of town. He says the historic ties between Ethiopia and Eritrea are sealed by blood and historic chapters written with a gold ink.

May 1998 - Eritrea invades sovereign Ethiopian territories. Tigrai heroically saber-rattles at the border to stem a further push until an Ethiopian national defense force reaches and practically foils Eritrean army's further advance. But Eritrea's invasion of Ethiopia shatters the trust the people of Tigrai have in the leadership of PM Meles. Until public outrage subsides, Meles avoids public appearances and Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin becomes the de facto leader of the country.

1999 - Nine months later after Eritrea's invasion, Eritrean forces are routed in Badme. The people's trust in the Prime Minister for the first time in years starts to change for the better.

May 2000 - Ethiopia launches a lightning offensive and decimates Eritrea's army, places half of Eritrean territory under control. A million Eritreans are displaced, seeking refuge in the Sudan. Eritrea accepts Ethiopia's long-standing demand without preconditions. Ethiopians celebrate victory with magnanimity. The trust of the people of Tigrai and Ethiopians in the leadership of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi gains ground.

June 2000 - Ethiopia-Eritrea direct talks are planned. Ethiopians hope that the overwhelming victory over Eritrea would save their country from being landlocked. Hopes are pinned that the best opportune time has come for the EPRDF to correct its wrongs over granting Eritrea achieve independence without considering Ethiopia's national interest over the the people of Afar and the Red Sea Port of Assab. But ahead of planned talks, Meles time and again stresses that Assab is Eritrea's. Once again, public resentment builds up that despite Ethiopia's commanding victory, Eritrea has not been pressed hard over the question of Afar's Ethiopianness.

Like every Ethiopian who takes pride in a united and respected Ethiopia, Tigrai is also asking that very legitimate question. There may not be the results of polls to substantiate such assertion, but the question is raging like a wild fire among Tigrians who see their survival inextricably linked to the wellbeing of the rest of Ethiopia.

CONCLUSION

True, the TPLF has during a struggle against the Derg (1975-1991) saved Tigrai from the Earth-scorched policy of the military dictatorship, the death-wish of Eritrea and a bone-crushing famine of the mid-80s. The people of Tigrai have counted years since they start living without the fear of detention without trial, torture and extra-judicial summary executions. They are no more leaving in caves for fear of being wiped out by an incessant air raid similar to the one that razed the town of Howzien to the ground in the late '80s. Had it not been for Eritrea's suicidal adventure, Tigrai would have enjoyed 10 years of relative peace and tranquility. But this does not mean, particularly at this age of multi-party politics and the rise and consolidation of Ethiopian Unity, that Tigrai is at the dictates of TPLF. Rather the opposite looks true: Tigrai has lived and will live without TPLF, but TPLF has never lived and cannot live without the people of Tigrai. Tigrai's future is dependent, as Ethiopia's noted historian, Professor Tadesse Tamrat of the Addis Ababa University once remarked, not on the words of politicians but the dynamic force that has united Ethiopians since the time of antiquity.