Commentary:

A Structural Approach to Eritrean Leaders’ and their International Supporters’ Patterns of Argumentation

By Beleho Yeshak, May 24, 2000

1. The New Problem Child in the Horn

While reading articles written by Eritreans in which they forward their cause, wrapped in beautiful words I asked myself why so many Eritrean intellectuals have become so blind to distort everything which looks like an obstacle to their identity as being “unique”. With the passage of time I have learned to distinguish between being an intellectual and being intelligent. An intelligent person uses his brain and knowledge without asking why, in contrast to an intellectual who always reflects and asks why about the contexts and meanings of thoughts and actions. Intelligence can help you how to do something, but not why you are doing it.

Eritreans deep in their heart, I assume, know that the Eritrean identity built around the hatred towards Ethiopia and Ethiopians is like a card house. But the problem is that repeated lies and repeated false assumptions become a belief and are taken as realities, until negating a simple addition 2 + 2 equalling 4 is put into question.

A lesson I got from my father who believed very much in education is to use my common sense rather than rely in what I’ve read. The example he would give me to understand his message was: “Suppose somebody comes from the forest tells you that he has hit with one bullet the ear and the back leg of an antelope, what would you say? Ask him back to make it plausible. If he comes up with the clarification that he had hit the antelope while the antelope was scratching his ear with his back leg, then believe him, not before.”

Public relation works and lobbying in our world of today is important to achieve sound political goals. We Ethiopians will not allow that our history and aspirations be distorted. We feel we have the responsibility not only of reversing Eritrean aggression but also to revert world opinion about Ethiopia.

There is a phenomenon called hospitalism, characterizing people who cannot get enough of care and compassion. Eritrea disavowing common history, common culture and common future fought for independence when a whole nation was struggling to get rid of feudalism. Eritreans chose not to participate in the struggle for liberty, fraternity and equality embracing the whole nation when in 1974 the Ethiopian Revolution broke out.

They created the myth that Eritrea was an Ethiopian colony fighting for independence. The Eritrean PR has done well in confusing the world opinion and getting the necessary support. The Eritrean hospitalism went further by later sending out messages that they want to become the “Singapore of Africa” and want help and the necessary support. Their latest trial to keep territories forcefully taken from Ethiopia and get confirmation through their usual hospitalism attitude is another proof

2. No Opposition, No Free Press, No Signs of Democracy

Independence as understood by Issayas and his followers is used not to establish and respect individual rights. What is the meaning of independence for a country which has no opposition and no free press? NGOs were barred from coming to Eritrea because they posed a threat to a police state which did not like to see its citizens being infected by and exposed to a democratic culture. I am ready to hear any other arguments as to why the leaders of a poor nation who rely so much on others are not ready to accommodate NGOs in Eritrea and cooperate with them. It is a unique phenomenon we see here, a whole nation aspiring to be accepted by the West as an emerging powerful economy and state. Beginning from the Eritrean Government down to the individual Eritrean all their actions are not determined internally, they are rather determined externally to an artificial picture of their society.

The fact that Eritrea is a police state is getting confirmation from those who had kept it as secret from the international community. And more of this phenomenon will be seen in the future. Just in the last few days I found in some articles that the term “police state” is used as a description for the political system in Eritrea.

Once flying to Europe I landed in Asmara, new passengers entered the plane. An Eritrean Muslim sat beside me. During our journey we somehow came to discuss about politics. When I mentioned the name Issayas, President of Eritrea, and made some critical comments he became nervous and began looking back and forth making sure that passengers did not hear. Some Western journalists never mention this fear of the individual due to three reasons:

A) Most Eritreans are indoctrinated to such an extent that the will and desire to be free is literally non-existing. Eritreans wherever they may be stick together and echo the same attitude.

B) Western journalists have adopted the Eritreans’ leadership assumption that democracy now would only hamper development.

C) The third aspect that some Western journalists become confused by is the hospitality they encounter and friendship they are offered, leading to a loyal behaviour and making them forget the actual mission why they are there. An observation I made is that, to my knowledge, Alex Last never reported from Ethiopia.

Observe the way Alex Last is reporting. He is in a dilemma and every member of the Eritrean leadership relies on him that he does a good job in supporting Eritrea in a time of crisis. So Alex Last prefers to report on donkeys which have made the Ethiopian military success possible rather than to give the world a clear picture of what is happening. But sooner or later he has, like the subjugated Eritreans, to slowly get out of his intellectual detention and learn to be free without being demonised by the Eritreans. Good luck Alex.

3. Self-glorification and Boasting and Slander

The aim of this paper is to animate all scholars and journalists not to consume without reflection what is written by Eritreans. And I solemnly hope that we Ethiopians will not be infected by the poisonous language Eritrean leadership and supporters are using. I call on all Ethiopians to dismantle, unmask and expose all the lies and misinformation so that never again a conflict of such kind will have a chance to erupt.

Every war has its roots in the deformation of the mind. Mostly it starts with self-glorification and continues with arrogance and slander and ends up in self destruction. This conflict should, once again, make us aware of these facts.

Ethiopian intellectuals should be in a position to sense what will be coming by identifying the dangerous and deadly beginning deformations. Globalization and the internet can help develop an “Early Warning System for the Preservation of Peace” by addressing issues resulting from deformed intellects.

The tiresome reading of rubbish written by Eritreans has pushed me to develop a structural approach. Often they argue not by their words, they rather choose what others said about Eritrea. A very good example is an article written by Ghideon Abay-Asmerom: 'Who is "rogue"? Let the facts speak for themselves,' where the author quotes others to support his allegation. In this article one finds all sorts of glorification. The fact that it was said was enough to refute the term “rogue” used by the Ethiopian Government in describing the Eritrean Government’s behaviour.

I once in a speech to an audience of African students, among them Ethiopians as well as Eritreans, gave my personal view on Issayas saying that this so called “Freedom Fighter” never inspired me. He has never produced any study which could influence the coming generation. Compare this to the numerous great works, philosophical as well as programmatic, of so many African leaders of the colonial and post-colonial period!

In fact I mentioned his words like “might is right” or describing the present war as a “lesson to the present generation to show how the struggle for independence looked like”. An Eritrean participant became very emotional and said to me that it was none of my business and that the Eritrean people loved him. My answer was simple: I am talking about the regional peace and about politics which is of concern even to other Africans, but if we are dealing here with love continue with it and I shall not involve myself in your love affair!. After that incident I was always keen on the reaction of Eritreans when they here the name Issayas. Observe how seldom Issayas is mentioned in Eritrean publications. When referring to Issayas they use Eritrea. Eritrea is a synonym for Issayas.

Coming back to where I started: It is essential to study the patterns of argumentation of Eritreans to simplify their often lengthy and tiresome publications. To quickly categorize their message, here follows a structural approach to grasp quickly what their message is. I politely invite also all journalists to try this with this approach to refrain from being instrumentalized echoing what a dictatorial system has to say.

Sobering the minds of Eritreans as well as their supporters’s should be the duty and responsibility of all intellectuals who are working hard to bring and an end to a war war which can only hamper the agricultural, industrial and social development of the region, and causes death and suffering again. Why again?

Argumentation patterns of Eritreans:

1. Self-Glorification
1.1. Distortion of History
1.1.1. Italian Colonialism
1.1.2. Federation
1.1.3. Unity
1.1.4. Independence 
1.1.5. Victory over Ethiopia
1.1.6. Economic and Cultural ties with Ethiopia
1.2. Creation of Heroes
1.3. Invention of an Identity
1.3.1. The Eritrean Personality
1.3.2. Invincibility
1.3.3. Uniqueness
2. Boasting
2.1. Arrogance
2.2. Racist attitude towards Ethiopians
2.3. Proud having been colonized
2.4. Misunderstood “Self-reliance”
2.5. Belligerent behaviour
3. Slander
3.1. Verbal injuries towards TPLF
3.2. Diminishing Ethiopian contribution to oppressed people
3.3. Insults at the address of the Ethiopian Government
3.4. Issayas Afeworki: Quotations 
4. Self-destruction
4.1. Lack of democratic culture in Eritrea
4.1.1. Dictatorship
4.1.2. One Party system
4.2. Lack of self-reflection
4.2.1. The role of the mass media
4.2.2. The role of journalists
4.2.3. The role of foreign politicians
4.3. Unrealistic aspirations
4.3.1. Eritrea: “Singapore” of Africa
4.3.2. Denying Eritrea’s dependency on Ethiopia
4.3.3. “Success” through abuse of bilateral agreements
4.3.4. Convincing International Organizations of Eritrea’s leader’s Innocence
4.3.5. Control of Ethiopia’s economy: Port of Assab

Having this structure in mind it will be easier to go through Eritrean publications to find out what intellectual contribution the articles contain. Above I have compiled important aspects which have deformed the way of thinking and have paved the way to a dispute and finally to a war. Simulating innocence and being a victim, at the same time boasting and glorifying themselves Eritreans have masterminded world opinion eventually ending in self-destruction.

Beleho Yeshak



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