INTRODUCTION

In the last few months, there has been a renewed growing opposition against the TPLF/EPRDF in general and Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in particular from diverse corners and for their own different individual motives and objectives.

Although many Ethiopians are happy that Isayas and his army have been defeated and that the myth of the "invincibility" of Isayas's army has evaporated, many others are also angry because the military offensive has been prematurely stopped. Although there might have been many internal and external causes and pressures why the offensive was halted without achieving its strategic objectives, many Ethiopians would have liked it if the war had followed through to its logical conclusions. However, this has not been done and it remains a job half done. Politicians, intellectuals and others are picking up the pieces and battling it out through cyber space and other mediums to find ways and means of retrieving Assab, a port which is spelled as "Assab/Aseb" by some others.

The underlying rational behind the various cyber-space debates is partly a healthy development and partly a disturbing one. It is a healthy development because many Ethiopians who have access to the internet are attempting to make their voices and concerns heard. In that sense the debate that has started, if conducted soberly and with some degree of tolerance can be educational. However, it also has disturbing aspects. There is an increasing polarization and shameful blackmailing between those who blindly support TPLF/EPRDF and those who are opposed to it. Moreover, there is more attack on personalities than focusing on issues.

There are some individuals who have tried to act as arbiters but find themselves overwhelmed by those elements who have driven Ethiopian and Eritrean politics into un acceptable insanity and absurdity. It is this disturbing phenomenon that has compelled us to very reluctantly intervene in the debate and perhaps share our views and opinions on a matter that has turned into a war that seems to be waged between forces of irreconcilable religious beliefs - "Eritreans" vs. "Ethiopians" where no one cares for the other.

If the real objective is to restore the pride and dignity of our people, whether they are Eritreans or Ethiopians, then the politically motivated groups must abandon their obsession for power and put the interest of our people and our common roots first.

Since there are so many interrelated issues which need clarification, we have decided to briefly deal with these issues in at least three parts. Part one examines why the question of Assab and the attempt being made to retrieve Assab through the Afar question is neither the core of the problem nor the only life and death issue for the survival, prosperity and development of our people.

We feel that one of the core problems revolves around the issue of "The right of nations to self determination including and up to secession". The other major problem is the divisive, back word and inhuman political practices pursued by successive Ethiopian Governments and their opposition groups as well as the introduction of ethnic politics. We have for a long time and consistently stated our concerns and opposition to such policies not from a chauvenist but from, human, developmental and other democratic perspectives.

Second, there is also confusion on the future of Ethio-Eritrean relations as well as what needs to be done. There are those who think and argue that the Eritrean case has gone beyond repair and that Ethiopian sovereignty and territorial integrity excludes Eritrea. However, they seem to argue that Assab and its surroundings are not part of Eritrea. They also argue that even if it is part of Eritrea, the Afars who live along the Red Sea Coast want unity with Ethiopia.

Third, there is also confusion on what needs to be done to bring about lasting peace and reconciliation between the people of Eritrea and Ethiopia.

In Part one, we shall try to examine our concerns on the debate that is going on concerning the Assab and Afar issue. Some of the other issues will be examined in the forthcoming weeks.

1. RETHINKING THE USE OF THE AFAR QUESTION AS AN ISSUE OF RETRIEVING THE ASSAB PORT AND THE ASSAB REGION

Many Ethiopians, critical of TPLF/EPRDF or who claim to be independent scholars are debating how the long term interests of Ethiopia can be protected. A number of historical, economic, security cultural and other reasons are given to justify that Assab be ceded to Ethiopia to avoid recurrent conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Mr. Belay Abay and Mr. Zeru Khishen have, rather belatedly, tried to argue that Meles's Assab Policy threatens Ethiopia's National Security.They conclude that the policies of Meles and the treaties being invoked do not serve Ethiopia's paramount interests. ( see Dagmawi 15 July, 2000) Many others have joined the band wagon of using the Afar question to retrieve Assab and access to the sea.

Some other critics have also tried to bring to the attention of the Ethiopian leaders the following points:

(1) Ethiopia has a paramount national interest in the Afar coast including the port city of Assab.

(2) The sovereign state of Ethiopia has a legal, moral and a longstanding historical claim to the Afar coast that is entirely within established global norms.

(3) The Federal Republic has a constitutional duty to defend and protect the interests and territories of all of its constituent parts including the interests and territories of the people of the Afar region.

(4) The leaders of the Ethiopian government have a constitutional responsibility to consult with the people they represent prior to entering into any agreement that may bind them. ( e.g. see Tedros Brehan, Dagmawi 30 July)

Nearly all those who are trying to find ways and means of retrieving Assab seem to base their arguments on the the concrete conditions of the Eritrean reality that Eritrea is an independent state recognized by the international community and that the secession of Eritrea is final and irrevocable.

What is interesting is, Dr. Dejazmatch Zewde Ghebre Selassie one of the distinguished experts of Ethiopian history and who also had several senior Ministerial posts within the previous Ethiopian Governments has now given his learned opinion. He argues that Assab and "the area occupied by the Afar people from Bada to Raheita, extending 60 kilometers from the Red Sea shore inland be ceded to Ethiopia" although he hopes that "Eritreans will eventually entertain the possibility of reunification in whatever form. He gives many historical, economic and other reasons to justify his argument. (see Addis Tribune 25/8/00)

What is interesting is some of the above mentioned individuals originate from Tigray as the leaders of TPLF. Moreover, with the exception of few individuals like Dr. Dej. Zewde Ghebre Selassie and some others some of the individuals who are now arguing that Ethiopia must have its own port and that Ethiopia's right to Assab and her access to international waters are not negotiable are the very individual remnants of the Ethiopian student movement or those who in one way another been involved in one of the two old leftist and revolutionary parties who have for many years advocated and even committed to the much misused and abused concept of "the right of nations to self determination up to and including secession".

2. RETHINKING THE ISSUE OF SELF-DETERMINATION UP TO AND INCLUDING SECESSION

One of the central ideological and political factors that has brought unacceptable death, destruction, divisions, war, and suffering of our people in the last three decades is the much abused concept of "the right of nations to self determination up to and including secession". Where we are now is partly the consequence of this policy.

In order to ensure the right of Ethiopia to get access to the sea, there are some who argue that the Afar people will be the final arbiters to decide with whom they want to live in political association. They also argue that this is the right of nations and nationalities enshrined in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. (Tedros Berhane, 30 July 2000)

While there is a grain of truth in the matter , it is not the whole truth. We have written on several occasions on the matter and we do not intend to repeat ourselves now. Suffice it to say there are at least internal and international definitions and aspects of self determination. The Eritrean question has never been a" colonial question" as EPLF leaders and blind supporters allege. Poor brothers cannot colonize their own brothers. It is one of the techniques they have used to distort and fabricate history to deny our common roots and our indivisible future. This was one of the main differences between us and EPLF as well as with some of the leaders of TPLF and many other opposition groups for many years.

The fact is the concept of self determination has been misused and abused to achieve any objective that one may want to achieve. Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher used it to undermine and break the former Soviet Union. German leaders have also used it to promote the unity of the two Germanies. The Ethiopian student movement and many of their disciples have used the concept to undermine and even overthrow Haile Sellassie. The various national liberation movements have used the concept as an instrument of mobilizing their respective ethnic groups and followers to overthrow the Dergue and bring about the secession of Eritrea and some others are using the concept of self determination to fight and overthrow the TPLF/EPRDF while others are using it to dismember Ethiopia even further although some other groups are using the concept to use the Afar question to incorporate Assab and the surrounding region within Ethiopia.

Trying to retrieve Assab through supporting the Afar Question implies that those who oppose TPLF/EPRDF on grounds of its ethnic and tribal politics are intentionally or otherwise endorsing and supporting ethnic politics. These kinds of short sighted, opportunist and conspiratorial politics would not bring about a lasting peace and reconciliation to our country.

At any rate, advocating to retrieve Assab by any means now - ten and seven years after Eritrea has become a de facto and de jure state respectively is tantamount to retrieving the tail of a rabbit when the rabbit itself has been let loose many years ago. Nor does it seem an argument made in good faith because this issue is now being raised primarily because the Ethiopian Government has won the war. In short, many Ethiopians have been emboldened to make such arguments because Isayas and EPLF have been militarily defeated.

3. CONSEQUENCES OF PROMOTING THE AFAR QUESTION TO RETRIEVE ASSAB

Using the Afar card as a way of retrieving Assab is bad and short sighted politics. It endorses ethnic politics and the ethnicization of Ethiopian society. Thus those who are playing the Afar card as a bargaining chip have no moral high ground to claim that they are opposed to ethnic politics of TPLF/EPRDF as long as they continue to play games with the Afar question.

While the vast majority of all of our Afar brothers who are predominantly good, dignified and true Moslems of vintage type would like to live with their Ethiopian brothers and sisters, there is no guarantee that a minority of them could be influenced by the modern virus of Moslem fundamentalist elements who could take up arms to fight to create their own independent Afar State and might refuse and reject to be part of a United Ethiopia in the future.

There are Afars who support EPLF and there are others who support TPLF/EPRDF. Moreover, our Afar bothers are as divided as our Eritrean brothers. Even the Ali Mirah family are divided in the future of the Afars. Another Afar faction called the Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front in its press release of 23 June, 2000 issued from Toronto stated "we advice and warn friends and enemies alike to stay away from our land and not to intervene in our struggle…" (emphasis ours) The issue is what if our Afar brothers get infected with the EPLF virus? What guarantees do we have that they will not be infected with such a divisive and deadly virus in the future?

While some Afars in the Danakil might declare their intention to be united with their kinsmen in Ethiopia, some other extremist elements could also emerge one day and declare their intention to establish a greater Afar state by incorporating the Afars in Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti in the future. In view of these and other reasons, the idea of the creation of an Afar state could even be more dangerous for the Ethiopian people than the secession of Eritrea.

Certainly, it would also make matters worse if Isayas's Eritrea decides to join the Arab League. This will have a very long socio-economic, political, cultural and military consequences for Ethiopia. It could bring about the step by step encirclement, weakening and fragmentation process of Ethiopia. Indirectly, it also has consequences for the United States and Israel. It remains to be seen if Ethiopians and many other Eriteans for that matter will tolerate Isayas's Eritrea to join the Arab League.

The other reason why every extremist group is taking up arms and declaring to secede from Ethiopia is because we are a poor, divided, weak and dependent state. The absence of farsighted, cohesive as well as collective leadership and the absence of selfless political elites and responsible opposition groups has also contributed to the problem.

It should be stressed that we get access to the sea not because of the Afar card only, but because we Ethiopians, whether we are Eritreans, Afars, Oromos, Tigreans, Amharas or Somalis etc., have a collective, inherent and inalienable right as Ethiopians to have access to any place that belongs to the Ethiopian people as whole. In our view, our best bet is our collective sense of unity, our common heritage and our inseparable future. Whether we like it or not we are condemned by nature to live together. Our task is to make it a blessing for the benefit of all of us.

At any rate, those who are using the Afar question as a political card to retrieve Assab are those who also in principle accept and support the ethnicization of our society. To advocate that Afars are our Ethiopian brothers further implies, for example, that the rest of Eritrean brothers including the people in Seraye, Akeleguzai and Hamassien who for all intents and purposes are the same as those people in Tigray are not our brothers. If that is the case, we do not understand why such critics oppose the existing ethnic politics of TPLF\EPRDF? In our view, to use the Afar question as an excuse to recover Assab is not only a bad political prostitution but also a manifestation of conspiratorial politics that has brought nothing but war, shame and suffering to our people.

There is no doubt that, getting access to the sea is a long-term solution for the security and survival of our country as a nation, unless of course Djibouti is federated with Ethiopia. However, as long as this is not the case, we cannot also totally depend on Djibouti because, it could one day refuse to let us use her port or put unacceptable terms on our types of imports and exports including our military hardware (at times of war) for any possible reason in the future. There is no guarantee and security on what is not ours.

4. TOWARDS REDIRECTING OUR EFFORTS ON REAL LONG TERM ISSUES THAT MATTER TO OUR PEOPLE

If we want to be part of the solution and not fuel a perpetual state of war and destruction, we think time has come to ask some other fundamental questions as well. We need to have clarity and an answer at least to some of the following questions: What is it that we want to achieve? What would happen after securing the Assab Port? What about the Red Sea, adjacent to Assab and the economic zone that goes beyond it? Should we put land and access to ports first before our indivisible brotherhood and sisterhood? Should we not stress on our common roots and shared destiny and common future between Eritreans and Ethiopians than on what divides us? Did we not have the two ports and the Red sea before? What have we done to develop them? Is'nt the usefulness of ports very much dependent on the success of our economic growth and development inside Ethiopia? Is the question of ports more important than the issue of unity and economic prosperity ? Is it impossible to undo things that have been done today by Isayas? Is getting access to Assab more important than trying to win the hearts and minds of Eritrean brothers with whom we have inseparable roots and common future than to create conditions that will create permanent animosity, fear and war? Is it less costly to retrieve Assab by any means than to isolate Isayas and his clique from the Eritrean people who are indoctrinated to believe that they are "defending" their territory from "Ethiopian aggression" in spite of the fact that Isayas is the aggressor? Is it constructive politics to engage in acts and behaviour which will continue to increase the anger and fear of Eritreans? Is it wise, fair and just on our part to blame and suspect all Eritreans for what has happened? Is what we do a good way of healing and encouraging the spirit of reconciliation? Are some individuals and groups not making matters worse by adding fuel to fire? Is trying to forgive Eritreans for being mislead by Isayas more difficult than opting for a perpetual state of mutual annihilation and destruction? Why do we like to condemn the entire Eritrean people for the mistakes committed by the extremist and secessionist group who has taken the entire Eritrean people a hostage by fear and terror? Can we not separate the evil from the innocent, the secessionist from those Eritreans and Ethiopians alike who are struggling for unity based on equality, diversity and justice? Why is it difficult for us to see hope in Eritrea beyond Isayas? Should we not support those who make genuine peace and bring about development for our people than those like Isayas who expose our people to death and destruction? Could we not have a new vision and farsightedness in trying to find honourable solutions to our internal problems and to the benefit of both Eritreans and Ethiopians than engage ourselves in mutual annihilation and destruction?

The solution to our problems is within our control. Only when we are internally united and have become economically strong and powerful as a nation, as well as forging a new sense of Ethiopian brotherhood and sisterhood will we be able to withstand the various internal and external pressures. The above complex objectives cannot be solved by organizing sham elections and by cat and mouse politics. We need many Mandela-type selfless leaders with a clear vision both on the part of the Government and the opposition groups who are genuinely committed to eliminate poverty, get our country back on its feet and hence to regain the pride and dignity of our people. The present leaders of Ethiopia have a primary responsibility to genuinely rethink some of their policies and mistakes. Their objective must be to leave a good history behind them rather than anything else.

OUR LONG STANDING POSITION AND STAND

We have long realized the various dangers that secessionism can bring about. We were also very clear long time ago that one cannot have peace, stability and prosperity in our region as long as Ethiopia, the giant country of 60 million people remains a land locked State. Above all, whether we are Eritreans or Ethiopians, we are the same people with inseparable destinies. It is for this and many other legitimate and rational reasons that some of us, who are Eritreans by birth rejected not only secession, but also even refused to accept the boundaries drawn by the fascist Italian colonial powers for their own ends rather than for the benefit of our two brotherly peoples. Much to our regret, we were perceived as enemies by both the EPLF and TPLF/EPRDF for our firm and consistent stand on such matters.

We like to stress that our concept of unity based on equality and diversity is not the same as some extremist and chauvenist elements who seek to restore the domination of one ethnic group over others in the name of unity. We are different both in our vision and strategies. Although we think diversity is our strength, we are allergic to ethnic ization of our politics.

We have always held the view that the so-called "right of nations to self determination up to and including secession" is a slogan misused and abused by some politically motivated Ethiopian groups, local elites and the middle class living within and outside the country to get themselves to power. It has nothing to do with eliminating the unacceptable state of abject poverty where many of our people are dying from famine, malnutrition, and due to lack of other survival requirements, such as decent health care system and other basic needs. The harsh reality of Ethiopia is that our people are much worse off today than they were at the time of the 1974 revolution.

We do not like to hide the fact that we want to see a united, strong and prosperous Ethiopia that is the envy of Africa and the rest of the world. This is the only way we can honour the sacrifices made by our forefathers to maintain its independence, distinct historical and cultural Ethiopian identity. In view of this, we are not a group of Ethiopians who believe that the land where the Afars live belongs only to the Afars, the land where the Somalis and Oromos live belongs exclusively to the Somalis and Oromos respectively. Everything including the land, resources within the framework of the Ethiopian state is the collective property of the people of Ethiopia and every Ethiopian has the right to go to any part of the country to live and claim the same rights as in his birth place. This is our inalienable citizenship right.

MITIGATING THE PRESENT STATE OF POLITICAL INSANITY?

We think the right way of handling the whole question is to have a clear break with the era of our collective madness and redefine the "right of nations to self-determination up to including secession". In the era of globalization, corporate mergers when foreign governments and international financial institutions are imposing their own conditionalities built in their development aid, and when foreign companies are dominating the national economies of poor and dependent states, the whole notion of self-determination has lost its real meaning.

In today's world, only the United States have the right to determine its own policy and destiny. The extent in which other nations and states such as China, France, United Kingdom, Germany and Japan can exercise such a right very much depends on how far they are dependent on the United States for their survival and development.

The harsh reality of Africa today is that policies of many Governments of Africa is decided not by Africans, but by foreign powers. Many African governments fear more the U.S Ambassador in their respective countries than their own national legislative organ of government or the Council of representatives of their own people.

We are living in an era where some foreign governments, NGOs and companies and even some Western individuals are claiming to care more for our people than our own leaders. This is because some African leaders seem to be more obsessed with staying in power at any cost than bring about equality, peace and reconciliation and creating a Government of national unity to tackle the complex socio-economic, cultural, moral, ethical, religious, technological and political problems their countries and their people are facing.

In such a harsh reality the misuse and abuse of the "right of nations to self-determination up to and including secession" in poor and underdeveloped and dependent countries like ours is not only anti developmental but also exposes our people to further divisions, foreign interferences and enslavement. Because of the death and destruction it brings about, it is also a crime against humanity.

In view of the above, while advocating for justice, equality and equal opportunity as well as equitable development is legitimate, fragmentation, divisions and secession is detrimental to the people of Africa. Mutual co-existence and finding honourable ways of finding solutions based on justice and equality by ourselves is the preferred option than always to look for help from Uncle Sam to clean the mess for us. It is our primary responsibility to put our houses in order.

We have made it clear a long time ago that we do not want to see artificial borders erected separating our people and their relatives. We refuse and reject any division. I for one have lost two young brothers in the Ethio-Eritrean conflict. My beloved mother also died last year due to sickness , deep grief and shock she got when her beloved children failed to return to their home and was told very belatedly about their death. I also lost my sister in-law and many other relatives in this senseless and inhuman war. Many Eritrean and Ethiopian mothers and families have faced similar problems. We think we are also writing this article in the name of the bereaved and voiceless families in Eritrea and Ethiopia who have lost their loved once in this cruel needless war.

We have also witnessed the pain and misery of separated families in Germany, Vietnam, Korea and Yemen. We did not want our people to suffer similar consequences. We do not want to see a New Berlin Wall erected between our people when the rest of the world has dismantled such painful walls.

As far as we are concerned, although Assab is not economically useful to the secessionist Eritreans, they may not voluntarily agree to transfer it to Ethiopian sovereignty under the present hostile state of affairs unless Isayas thinks it will help him to stay in power for some more years. Even if Assab is ceded to Eritrea it will not bring about a lasting peace, reconciliation and prosperity for either Ethiopians or Eritreans. There is too much nihilist and confrontational "elih" politics on both sides. Too many Eritreans are still obsessed with Eritrea and hatred against Ethiopia. We must support the emergence of new leaders in Eritrea with a clear policy and commitment to the Eritrean and Ethiopian people and the future of Ethio-Eritrean relations.

Many secessionist Eritreans do not seem to have understood the over all implications of secession. Moreover, many Eritreans do not even realize that it is in their long term interest to find some honourable and mutually beneficial compromises for them to live in peace. They should have realized that they could never have peace, stability and prosperity while Ethiopia remains a land locked state.

While our political adversaries were sowing the seeds of a new Berlin Wall, we never gave up our dream and commitment to build bridges of peace, justice, equality and reconciliation that will help us marshal all of our resources, energies and talents to bring prosperity to our people. This is the dream we like to see translated into reality, if possible, in our lifetime.

It is in view of these and other good reasons that we were and still are opposed to secession in the first place. We still believe in the future reunification of our two brotherly peoples in spite of the temporary and unfortunate state of affairs. We have no doubt in our minds that ultimately only the step by step process of reunification is in the long term interest of both Ethiopians and Eritreans.

The question is not whether they will reunite but when they will start to take the first confidence building steps conducive to the process of healing the old wounds and reconciliation efforts that will eventually lead to reunification and integration based on equality, justice and mutual respect of our two peoples. This may sound unrealistic at this moment, but situations could change after Isayas and other extremists and secessionists are removed from power. Certainly, there is an external dimension to the problem.

THE EXTERNAL DIMENSION OF THE PROBLEM

In the present rampant state of foreign interference nothing can be taken for granted. We should not delude ourselves by empty promises and pledges. The enemies of Ethiopia who want us to be encircled, weakened, divided, and crippled and those who want us to loose control and use the Nile water on the west and the Red Sea on the east in order to control and dominate us would still continue to destabilize, weaken, divide and fragment our country. We have the primary duty to ensure that this does not happen. This partly requires very sophisticated, competent, confident and farsighted Ambassadors and not Ambassadors with student movement mentality. Above all, forging our unity and political reconciliation is the only answer. Certainly, pleading and appealing to foreign governments that have continuously undermined our unity for their help or to solve our problems is self defeating.

While Ethiopia's Foreign Minister, Mr. Seyoum Mesfin has done a good job and behaved responsibly in managing and articulating Ethiopian foreign policy and national interest, he also has to redouble his efforts to improve the performance of his Ministry and that of his Ambassadors. We have made it clear in the past that some of Ethiopia's Ambassadors are not up to the job. Some of them are appointed to such posts not because there are no other Ethiopians who are more competent than some of the existing Ambassadors but because their loyalty to the leadership of TPLF is suspect. This is bad for prospects for national reconciliation and for the long term interests of Ethiopia.

The world has changed. It is time that the Ethiopian Government focus beyond party loyalties. Many responsible Ethiopians may be critical to the policies of TPLF/EPRDF but they are loyal to their country and people. The present leaders of Ethiopia need to rethink some of their policies very seriously. What matters is not whether a person is critical or not to their policies, but whether the criticisms are justified and whether the person has the competence, honesty, integrity, and political track record to be useful to our people. Merit, competence and integrity must be the criteria for any senior appointments. It is by appointing the right people in the right place that we can achieve good results for the good of our people.

THE NEED FOR SELF CRITICISMS

Those of us who are outside also share part of the blame. We have the tendency of putting all the blame on the leaders of TPLF/EPRDF and their Ambassadors. We do not ask ourselves what concrete things have we done for our people? If foreigners are helping our people why could not we who originate from that region get our minds and heads together to help in more meaningful ways?

We should try to learn from our three decades of extremist, sectarian, exclusionist , vindictive and conspiratorial politics of destroy and rebuild mentality. We must have the tolerance, farsightedness, vision and selflessness to commit ourselves not for things that are beneficial to us personally but for the collective good of our people. This is the only way forward for us to be part of the solution. It is also a way that can bring about a lasting peace, stability and prosperity for our people and reverse the present state of helplessness and the un acceptable state of abject poverty.

The international image of a country is not judged by only the activities of our Ambassadors. Whether we like the policies of TPLF/EPRDF or not, all of us must become the Peoples Ambassadors of our country. Governments come and go but our common roots and inseparable destiny will remain for ever. Peace and reconciliation is made between and among enemies and political adversaries and not with friends, supporters and blind loyalists. In that sense, it takes two to bring about peace and national reconciliation.

It is in this healthy spirit and not by spreading hate politics that we can meaningfully contribute to bring about peace and reconciliation as well as prosperity for our people. Politics of hate and secession only brings incalculable suffering to our people. We can not realistically hope to have a new future unless we burry our shameful behaviours of mutual destruction, divisions and sub-standard politics and focus on promoting equality and develop a new sense of brotherhood and sisterhood in order to focus on issues focussed to eliminate the un acceptable state of suffering of our people.

Those who share our vision and want to do away with our divisive and shameful past and primitive politics and those who genuinely seek to restore the pride and dignity of our people must get their minds and heads together to bring sanity and civility to our politics and realize our shared dreams.

The leaders of Ethiopia either individually or collectively also have the historical responsibility to take courageous and bold steps and policy reforms that would stay beyond their life time so that they can have a good place in the history of Ethiopia.

At any rate, the rest of un addressed issues regarding the Ethio-Eritrean relations including what needs to be done in the short term and in the transition period to improve Ethio-Eritrean relations, to realize the aspirations, hopes and dreams of the people of Eritrea as well as to build a strong, united and prosperous Ethiopia in the 21st century will be examined in our forthcoming issues.

For constructive comments only, we may be reached via E-mail: mmenghistu@freeler.nl

mmenghistu@freeler.nl