13. THE ROLE OF THE REVOLUTIONARY ORGANISATION IN THE CLASS STRUGGLE

Mikhail Bakunin, quoted in M. Salvadori (editor), (1968), Modern Socialism. Harper Torchbooks. Harper and Row Publishers. New York. Evanston. London. pp. 148-9.

INTRODUCTION

1. This Position paper broadly outlines our view of the role of the revolutionary organisation.

1. CLASS STRUGGLE AND REVOLUTION

2. Anarchist/Syndicalist-Syndicalists believe that it is important to build a mass Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation in the working class and the poor. The role of this organisation is to popularise and fight for the creation of a society based on the principles of Anarchism: that is, a society based on a federation of workers and community councils, production for use and distribution according to need. This society can be described as Stateless Socialism. The Workers Solidarity Federation (WSF) aims to build such an Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation.

3. Such a society can only be built by a conscious movement of the working class and the poor, using their industrial power. SEE POSITION PAPER ON CLASS STRUGGLE, CAPITALISM AND THE STATE.

*In order for this to take place the working class and the poor must have two things:

3.1. First, a revolutionary consciousness.This includes: a rejection of the State, capitalism and all forms of oppression; the desire to reorganise society in a new better way in the interest of the workers and the poor; the recognition of the fact that only the workers and the poor can make and secure the revolutionary transformation, and following from this, the belief that only the mass organisations of the working class and the poor- in the workplace and in the community- are to make decisions in society. The State will not be allowed in any form. ON THE CENTRALITY OF CLASS SEE DISCUSSION PAPER ON THE CLASS STRUGGLE

3.2. Secondly, industrial organisation.The workers must have enough organisation and solidarity to be able to physically take over the means of production and distribution and destroy all remnants of the state. In concrete terms this means that the workers must be organised into revolutionary trade unions in the mines, factories and farms (Anarchist/Syndicalist- Syndicalism). It also means that the workers and the poor must be able to defend their revolutionary conquest by means of a democratic workers militia under the control of the mass organisations of the working class and the poor and poor. SEE DISCUSSION OF THE UNIONS FOR MORE ON THIS POINT

2. THE ROLE OF THE ANARCHIST/SYNDICALIST POLITICAL ORGANISATION <1>.

4. The role of the Anarchist/Syndicalist organisation is to win the most widespread understanding and influence of the Anarchist/Syndicalist ideas and methods in the working class and the poor. Anarchism must become the "theoretical driving force" or "leading idea" of the working class and the poor.

4.1. We believe only these ideas can make possible a successful revolutionary transformation of society. Only these can both destroy capitalism, the State and all forms of oppression AND prevent the emergence of a new form of oppressive elite.

4.2. Anarchist/Syndicalist ideas link a criticism of capitalist/ State society with a vision of a new way of organising human society. This link involves practical understanding of the means necessary and acceptable to achieve results, and which can also help build the confidence of the class in its own abilities and decision- making power.

4.3. The Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation does not aim to "lead" the working class and the poor into socialism, or to decree socialism from above. The working class and the poor must make the revolution by and for themselves. The role of the Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation is to educate and organise the masses to take power in their own name.

5. In concrete terms this means we need to build a mass international political, Anarchist/Syndicalist organisation.

5.1. This aims to link a criticism of the modern State/ Capitalist society with a vision of a new way of organising human society. It will produce propaganda and help to build the confidence and ability of the workers and the poor to fight for themselves and make their own decisions.

5.2. It will work inside the unions and other class organisations for the leadership of the Anarchist/Syndicalist idea. It will fight for the reconstruction of the union movement on the basis of Anarchist/Syndicalist ideas (Anarchist/Syndicalism). The unions must be the battering ram that destroys capitalism. SEE DISCUSSION PAPER ON THE UNIONS FOR MORE ON THIS POINT

5.3. The Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation must be big enough and effective enough to block the tendency of political parties to substitute themselves for the masses.

5.4. The Workers Solidarity Federation, and its sister organisations internationally, aim at building such an Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation.

3. THE ANARCHIST/SYNDICALIST POLITICAL ORGANISATION AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THE WORKING CLASS AND THE POOR

6. The Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation sees itself as part of the working class and the poor, its Anarchist/Syndicalist ideas a historical development of the experiences of workers, who as an exploited class seek to create a new world free of tyranny and exploitation in any form.

7. We wish to win the most widespread understanding and influence for our Anarchist/Syndicalist ideas and methods in the class and in society, primarily because we believe that these alone will expedite a successful revolutionary transformation of society. In this sense we recognise our role within the class being a "leadership of ideas".

8. We seek influence for our ideas in all working class organisations. In real terms that means that the WSF will go forward for all positions in the unions and other bodies where there is the possibility of mandating and recall. We will never accept any position that is not under the control of the members of that body. Such positions are not ends in themselves. The struggle to win them must be bound up with a fight for more democracy, more mandating, more control. We are striving for the self-activity of the many.

9. We have to be able to explain and clarify what is happening in society. We have to be capable of combating false ideas such as Marxism and nationalism. We aim to be a "collective memory" for the class- in terms of combating false ideas, and in terms of keeping alive and developing the traditions of the working class movements and Anarchism. This includes analysing the lessons of past community and workplace struggles.

10. History teaches us that organisations like ours can experience a rapid growth in membership and support for its ideas during a revolutionary situation...but also that a certain size is necessary for this to happen. So it is important that we recruit but this will be worthless unless we ensure that people are joining us because they understand and agree with Anarchism and share our libertarian values. It is not enough to build a small organisation with many sympathisers. Where there is no clear line between members and supporters a massive central apparatus is needed to hold together a mass of half- politicised people in a series of political activities. Political discussion gets toned down, a lack of seriousness creeps in. This in turn reduces the capacity of member to make independent political evaluations and provides the basis for a dependence on a central bureaucracy. This would be in absolute contradiction to our Anarchist/Syndicalist values.

11. "Only the truth is revolutionary". Whoever first said this was correct. We do not raise as immediate demands those that are impossible at the time because of the balance of forces. We do not play at politics. We do not fool, intimidate or manipulate workers towards Anarchism. We aim to win the arguments for change and Anarchism. It is not part of our program to try to take power "in the name of the workers". Anarchism will either be the creation of a free and politically aware working class and the poor ... or it will not be Anarchism.

4. ANARCHISM AND EVERYDAY STRUGGLES

12. We understand the centrality of struggle and organisation in the workplace because that is where we have real power.

12.1. But this does not mean that we neglect or ignore the struggles that take place in other areas of life. We don't. We support all struggles that can improve the conditions we live under: in schools, the communities etc.. Nor do we think the class struggle is just about wages, etc.. It is also a struggle against racism and all forms of oppression, and to unite the working class and poor in a progressive struggle for freedom.

12.2. At every opportunity we seek to bring these struggles into the union and workplaces, we try to bring the potential strength of organised workers to bear in their favour...to link up the different struggles into an understanding of their common roots in Capitalism and the State, and to establish the legitimacy of political issues being taken up on the shopfloor.

13. We support all progressive struggles both for their own aims and for the increased confidence that campaigning can give people. Secondly, we support them because of the confidence that campaigning gives people. Thirdly, we support them because we recognise that it is in struggle that people are most readily won to the revolutionary ideas of Anarchism. Fourth, we support them because it is in struggle that people can potentially create organisations of self-management that develop their skills and that may possibly help in the revolutionary transformation of society.

14. We argue in campaigns strongly against reliance on politicians, the courts, arbitration etc.. It is through mass struggle that the greatest potential lies.

15. Wee defend other progressive organisations that are involved in struggles, from repression. Where necessary, we will engage in United Front action alongside them. However, whilst we defend these groups unconditionally, we do not do so uncritically- we maintain our political independence and argue for our politics.

16. In addition, we see involvement in campaigns as a central part of the political work of the WSF because it forces us to test our ideas against existing reality and because it provides a forum in which new members learn the skills needed to be active in politics. Finally, most campaigns are a political education in themselves as activists acquire first hand experience of the reformists, leftists, the law etc.

5. BUILDING TOMORROW TODAY

17. It is important that we Anarchist/Syndicalists have a clear idea of the type of society that we aim to establish <2>.

17.1. The two fundamental structures of the Anarchist/Syndicalist society will be the syndicate (democratic workplace associations) and the Free City- commune (the self- managed city or village, made up of syndicates and community committees in a given area).

17.2. Communes will be federated into regions and nations; they will also be linked by federations of syndicates that provide services impossible to organise purely at the level of the individual commune (e.g. transcontinental railways, post).

17.3. Each commune must be located in a particular ecological region (bio- region) and must learn to preserve, enhance and integrate itself into that region's natural dynamics.

17.4. There will also be a workers militia to defend the free society <3>. This militia will be internally democratic, and accountable to, and bound by, the decisions made at congresses of the mass organisations of the revolutionary working class.

17.5. These structures may also be referred to as "worker and community councils (or committees)"

18. We believe that the trade unions and community organisations of today (e.g. civic associations) can provide the nucleus of the future syndicates and communes, as well as the vehicles of revolutionary transformation. SEE SECTION ON THE UNIONS FOR MORE DISCUSSION ON THIS POINT.

18.1. In order for this to take place, such structures must be restructured on anti- bureaucratic and grassroots democratic lines, and won to the ideas of Anarchism and class struggle.

18.2. Within them revolutionaries have to fight the ideas of authoritarian tendencies and continually argue that, in a revolutionary situation, the new workers' democracy must not delegate away its power to any elite, or allow any minority to seize that power. Within them members of the revolutionary organisations must be the "driving force". This means winning the battle of ideas. It does NOT mean capturing the leading positions, vesting them with undue authority and then dishonestly interpreting this as a mandate for giving orders.

19. After the initial stage of the revolution when the ruling class are dispossessed of their wealth and power, the Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation will continue to grow. There will be a massive surge of working class and poor people into its ranks because of its politics will seem all the more concrete and realistic.

19.1. In the transitional period (that time before between the overthrow of the old order and consolidation of the new), the main task will be to further Anarchist/Syndicalist ideas and values, and fighting for all power to be taken by the mass organisations of the working class.

19.2. As the revolution consolidates its gains and begins the reconstruction of society the task is to help the class towards the Anarchist/Syndicalist ideal. As this ideal becomes more and more established and the obstacles to its achievement fade away, the revolutionary Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation becomes less necessary and eventually vanishes completely.

6. ARE ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS A "REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP"?

20. Our role is that of educators and instigators. In so far as we are leaders it is because we are a "leadership" of ideas.

20.1. We have no time for the leadership of personalities or that of a higher committee of a party. We have no wish to be what the Marxists (Leninists, Trotskyists) call "The Revolutionary Leadership" (or "vanguard"), which implies their Party has reached a stage where it has the "right" to take decisions for the class (whether they like it or not). We reject this sort of leadership as authoritarian and destructive of workers' democracy. We reject the notion that the revolutionary political organisation has the right to "lead" or rule the working class and poor because of its "leadership of ideas". We are totally opposed to the idea that power must be controlled by the "vanguard party" during and after the revolution.

20.2. While we do recognise that there is an uneven level of political consciousness amongst the working class and the poor, and that only a few are presently won to a revolutionary position. Our aim as an organisation is always to minimise such unevenness without compromising political content. We recognise and will always fight against that influence in our class that seeks to promote the need for a permanent, unelected leadership no matter what context, explanation or excuse is used.

19. We reject the idea that the State can be used to create Socialism. The State is a hierarchical, centralised, top-down structure built in order to allow the exploiting minority to rule over the poor and working majority. No State can ever create a free society for the masses.

20. The division between leaders and led, between those who rule and those who are ruled has lasted far too long. The revolution must be made by and for the working class and the poor. These masses must rise up in their own name. The State must be destroyed: any attempt to control it "for the workers" can only lead to the creation of a new ruling elite. Socialism cannot be brought into being from above by the decrees of a "vanguard party". These are the lessons of the Russian Revolution. All power must lie in the democratic, mass organisations of the working class and the poor. Such power shall be compatible with the Anarchist/Syndicalist slogan that individual freedom will know no limit except that it does not take away the freedom of others.

21. It is on this issue that our fundamental difference with Leninism is made clear. We agree with Lenin that authority can only be defeated by authority, that the authority of the bosses will be destroyed by the authority of the workers. We agree on the need for a lead to be given within the class, but while our leadership is one of persuasion and education, the Leninist party goes way beyond this and tries to grab power through control of the state. It seeks to exercise the authority of the party over the workers. In doing this it prepares the way for the growth of a new oppressive ruling class.

NOTES

<1>. Our position on the role and structure of the Anarchist/Syndicalist organisation is based directly on the Makhno, Archinov et al, [1926], The Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists (reprinted by Workers Solidarity Movement. Ireland). As such, we stand within the "Platformist" tradition of Anarchism, but we do not think that this is incompatible with the tactic of promoting revolutionary trade unionism. We agree with the Platform that the Anarchist/Syndicalist political organisation must be based on ideological and tactical unity, collective responsibility and federal organisation. We agree that it is necessary to build a large and democratic Anarchist/Syndicalist organisation that can ensure that Anarchism becomes the "leading concept" of the exploited masses. The idea that Anarchist/Syndicalists must not "lead" the masses into revolution, but prepare the masses to make the revolution for themselves is, of course, a basic principle of Anarchism.

<2>. On the theory of the syndicates, communes and regions as developed by classical Anarchism, see Guerin, Daniel, (1970), Anarchism: From Theory To Practice. Monthly Review Press. New York and London. Chapter 2, esp. pp. 56-60. See also G.P. Maximoff, (1985), The Program of Anarcho- syndicalism. Monty Miller Press. Australia. pp. 42-8. The addition of the bio- regional dimension is found in Purchase, Graham, (1991) Anarchist/Syndicalist Organisation: Suggestions And Possibilities. Black Rose. and Purchase, Graham, (1990), Anarchist/Syndicalist Society and its Practical Realisation. San Francisco. See Sharp Press.

<3>. On the defence of the revolution, see Makhno et al, [1927], pp. 29-31; Berkman, (1964), ABC of Anarchism. Freedom Press. London. chapter 14; G.P. Maximoff, (1985), The Program of Anarcho- syndicalism. Monty Miller Press. Australia. pp. 49-55.

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