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THE CONCEPT OF ISLAMIC STATE
Asghar Ali Engineer
(Islam and Modern Age, April, 1999)
Islamic state is a most discussed
subject both among supporters as well as among its opponents. Is there any such
concept? Can we call any state an Islamic state? There are many claimants of
course. Interestingly among the claimants are military dictators as well as
monarchs. Can we legitimately call it an Islamic state? Is there any such
criterion to judge the claim? If so, what is that criterion? Generally some
ritualistic aspects of Islam like prayer, fasting, zakat etc. are imposed in
addition to the Islamic punishments to lay claim to the Islamic state. Will it
be enough of a criterion?
First of all we should know whether
there is any concept of Islamic state in the Qur'an or Hadith literature. A
thorough examination of the scripture and Hadith literature shows that there is
no such concept of Islamic state. In fact after the death of the Holy Prophet
the Muslims were not agreed even on the issue of his successor. The Muslims
split on the question - a section maintaining that the Prophet (PBUH) never
appointed any successor and another section maintaining that he did.
As far as the Qur'an is concerned
there is, at best, a concept of a society rather than a state. The Qur'an lays
emphasis on 'adl and ihsan i.e. justice and benevolence. A Qur'anic society must
be based on these values. Also, the Qur'an strongly opposes zulm and 'udwan
i.e. oppression and injustice. No society thus based on zulm and 'udwan can
qualify for an Islamic society. The Qur'anic values are most fundamental. It is
thus debatable whether a state, declaring itself to be an Islamic state, can be
legitimately accepted as such without basing the civil society on these values.
We will throw more light on this later.
First of all it is important to note
that the pre-Islamic Arab society had not known any state structure. It was a
predominantly a tribal society which did not know any distinction between a
state and a civil society. There was no written law, much less a constitution.
There was no governing authority either hereditary or elected. There was a
senate called mala'. It consisted of tribal chiefs of the tribes in the area.
Any decision taken had to be unanimous and the tribal chiefs enforced the
decision in their respective tribes. If a tribal chief dissented, the decision
could not be implemented.
There was no taxation system nor any
police or army. There was no concept of territorial governance or defense or
policing. Each tribe followed its own customs and traditions. There were of
course inter-tribal wars and all adult tribals took part in defending ones
tribal interests. The only law prevalent was that of qisas i.e. retaliation. The
Qur'an put it succinctly as "And there is life for you in retaliation, O
men of understanding. " (2:179) The whole tribal law and ethic in
pre-Islamic Arabia was based on the law of retaliation.
The Islamic movement in Mecca
inherited this situation. When the Prophet and his companions faced severe
persecution in Mecca they migrated to Madina also known as Yathrib. Madina was
also basically a tribal city governed by tribal laws. Like Mecca in Madina too,
there was no state and only tribal customs and traditions prevailed. In fact
Madina was worse in a way than Mecca. In Mecca inter-tribal wars were not much
in evidence as it was turning into a commercial society and inter-tribal
corporations for trade were coming into existence. However, Madina, being an
oasis, was a semi- agricultural society and various tribes were at daggers
drawn. It was to get rid of the inter-tribal warfare that the people of Madina
invited the Holy Prophet as an arbitrator.
The Prophet, a great spiritual and
religious personality, commanded great respect and set out to establish a just
society in Madina. First of all he drew up a pact between various tribal and
religious groups known as Mithaq-i-Madina (i.e. the Medinese treaty) which
guaranteed full autonomy to all tribes and religious groups like the Jews, the
Muslims and other pagan tribes. Thus all religious groups were free to follow
their own law and tradition and there was no coercion in such matters. The Holy
Qur'an also declared that "there is no compulsion in the matter of
religion" (2:256). The Mithaq-i-Madina was a sort of preliminary
constitution of the `state' of Madina which went beyond a tribal structure and
transcended the tribal boundaries in matters of common governance. It also laid
down that if Madina is attacked by an outside force all will defend it together.
Thus for the first time a concept of common territory so necessary for a state
to operate, was evolved. Before this, as pointed out earlier, there was concept
of tribal but not of territorial boundaries.
The Prophet, in a way, took a
revolutionary step, in dissolving tribal bonds and laying more emphasis on
ideological boundaries on one hand, and territorial boundaries, on the other.
However, the Prophet's aim was not to build a political community but to build a
religious community instead. If Muslims evolved into a political community it
was accidental rather than essential. Hence the Qur'an lays more emphasis on
values, ethic and morality than on any political doctrines. It is Din which
matters most than governance. Allah says in the Qur'an that al-yauma akmaltu
lakum dinakum (i.e. I have perfected your Din today, 5:3). Thus what the Qur'an
gives us is a perfect din, not a perfect political system. The political system
had to evolve over a period of time and in keeping with the needs and
requirements.
One of the basic duties of the
Muslims is "enforcing what is good and combating what is evil". This
clearly gives a moral and spiritual direction to an Islamic society. The later
emphasis on integral association between religion and politics is, to the best
of my knowledge, totally absent in the Holy Qur'an. The Prophet was an enforcer
of good par excellence and he devoted his life to eradicating evil from society.
But he never aspired for political power. He was one of the great spiritual
persons born on this earth. He strove to inculcate spiritual power among his
companions. The following verse of the Qur'an enunciates the basic philosophy of
the Muslim community. "You are the best ummah (nation, community) raised up
for people: you enjoin good and forbid evil and you believe in Allah."
(3:109)
Thus it will be seen that the basic
task of the Muslim ummah is to build a moral society based on good and negation
of evil. The unity of Muslims is possible only if they remain basically a
religious community engaged in building a just society which has no elements of
zulm (oppression and injustice), though there may be different ways of
approaching the truth. The Holy Prophet is reported to have said that a society
can persist with kufr (unbelief) but not with zulm (injustice). The Qur'an also
describes Allah as Ahkam al-Hakimin (i.e. best of the Judges, 95:8). These are
all value-giving injunctions and hence give a direction to the society.
Islam never required Muslims to
evolve into a political community. Politics leads people basically to
power-seeking projects and aspirations for power brings about division rather
than unity. The Qur'an required Muslims to remain united and not entertain
disputes weakening themselves. "And obey Allah and His Messenger", the
Qur'an says, "and dispute not one with another, lest you get weak-hearted
and your power depart, and be steadfast. Surely Allah is with the
steadfast." (8:46)
When some one aspires for political
power they dispute with each other and thus become weak which is what Muslims
have been warned against. And in the history of Islam the dispute between
Muslims arose on the question of political power. Who should wield political
power and who should rule was the main question after the death of the Holy
prophet. Thus Muslims began to divide on the question of power.
Various disputes arose between
different groups of Muslims even leading to bloodshed during the thirty years of
what is known in Islamic history as khilafat-i-Rashidah (period of the rightly
guided rule). This thirty year period is full of conflict and bloodshed. Three
rightly guided Caliphs out of four were assassinated. Why the spirit of unity
was lost? Why wars broke out between different groups and parties? It was mainly
on account of fights between different aspirants for power and pelf. The first
signs of these aspirations appeared immediately after the death of the Holy
Prophet.
The people of Mecca belonging to the
tribe of Quraysh claimed their superiority over others and said that an Imam can
only be from the tribe of Quraysh as they first embraced Islam and they were
most cultured and cultivated with adequate experience. The supporters of the
Prophet from Madina the Ansars, on the other, claimed that it is they who helped
the Prophet when he was driven out of Mecca due to severe persecution by the
people of Quraysh and hence they better deserve to succeed the prophet. the Imam
or Caliph, they claimed should be from amongst the Ansars. The members of the
family of the Prophet (PBUH) felt that 'Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet and
leader of the Hashimites, was better qualified to succeed the prophet.
Thus these fissures appeared as
different groups aspired for leadership and consequently for power associated
with the'nascent Muslim state. It is also necessary to stress here that a
preliminary state structure came into existence because it was historical and
not religious need. We would like to elaborate this a bit.
As every Muslim knows the religious
duties of Muslims are to pray, fast, pay the poor due (zakat), perform Haj and
believe in tawheed (unity of Allah) and not associate aught with Him. This is
necessary for spiritual control over oneself. A Muslim can perform these
obligations wherever he/she lives. There is no need for an Islamic state for
this. A Muslim living in a non-Muslim society can perform these obligations
without let or hindrance. And even when there is Muslim rule no ruler can
forcibly enforce these obligations on Muslims. Matters of 'ibadat (i.e. acts of
worship and spiritual exercises) cannot be coercively enforced by any authority.
It is a matter between human beings and Allah.
However, it is different matter as
far as mu'amalat (i.e. relations between human beings) are concerned. A state
has to govern these mu'amalat and ultimate aim of the state is to set up a
society based on justice and benevolence ('adl and ihsan in the Qur'anic terms).
'Adl and 'ihsan are most fundamental human values and any state worth its salt
has to strive to establish a society based on these values. But for this no
particular form of state is needed. Even an honest monarch can do it. It is for
this reason that the holy Qur'an praises prophet-rulers like Hazrat Da'ud and
hazrat Sulayman who were kings but Allah's Prophet's too. Even Queen Bilquis is
praised for her just governance in the Qur'an though she was not a prophet
herself.
But the Qur'an is also aware that
such just rulers are normally far and few in between. The governance has to be
as democratic as possible so that all adults could participate in it. If
governance is left to an individual, or a monarch, the power may corrupt him or
her as everyone knows absolute power corrupts absolutely. It is for this reason
that the Qur'an refers to democratic governance when it says: "And those
who respond to their Lord and keep up prayer, and whose affairs are (decided) by
mutual consultation, and who spend out of what We have given them" (42:38).
Thus the mutual affairs (those pertaining to governance) should be conducted
only by mutual consultation which in contemporary political parlance will be
construed as democratic governance. Since in those days there was no well
defined practice of political democracy, the Qur'an refers to it as `amruhum
shura' baynahum i.e. affairs to be conducted through mutual consultation which
is very meaningful way of hinting at democracy. The Qur'an is thus against
totalitarian or monarchical rule.
Here a problem may
arise as far as the Shi'ah sects are concerned. They believe in the theory of
imamah i.e. only an Imam from the progeny of the Prophet's son-in-law and his
daughter Fatima can inherit the Prophet (PBUH). The Shi'ahs, in other words,
reject the concept of khilafah i.e. succession to the Prophet through election
by the people. The right to succession is confined only to the members of the
Prophet's family and it is available to no one else. It is no doubt the very
basis of the Shi'ah tradition and faith.
But this hardly changes the ethos of
governance. The state in Iran is today a democratically elected one. The
President of Iran and the Majlis (parliament) are elective in nature. In todays
world there is no question of a ruler coming from the Prophet's family. It was a
different matter when the controversy arose immediately after the death of the
holy Prophet. A group of people then did feel that Hazrat Ali, the son-in law of
the Prophet who was rigorously just, who had fought and won many an Islamic
battle, who was one of the bravest and most honest person should have succeeded
the Prophet. He was qualified for good governance in ways more than one. Apart
from being just, honest and brave, he was most learned as well. The holy Prophet
had described him as gateway to the city of knowledge, Prophet being the city of
knowledge himself. He was also greatly confident of his knowledge. He often used
to say saluni qabla tafquduni i.e. ask me before you loose me.
In such circumstances it is not
surprising that many people felt that Ali was much more qualified to succeed the
Prophet than any one else. His two sons Hasan and Husain were also eminently
qualified as they too were inheritors of the virtues and qualities of the
Prophet, they having been trained and brought up by the Prophet and Ali. No one
else has such an excellent opportunity to have been so intimately connected to
the Prophet and the whole Islamic atmosphere around him.
In fact the theory of Imamah was
based on this certainty of correct religious guidance on one hand, and, a
guarantee for good and just governance, on the other. It is this inner certitude
which gave rise to the belief that the members of the Prophet's family are most
suited to guide and govern. The Shi'ahs moreover believe that the imams were
infallible and can do no wrong. But two things are again important to note here.
The governance by imam also could not be absolute in personal terms, much less
dictatorial or authoritarian. The Imam will also have to consult the
representative of the people as per the Qur'anic injunction in 3:158 in which
even the Prophet (PBUH) is required to consult them.
This verse i.e. 3:158 is very
important verse in laying down the guidance for governance. It is a divine
statement against dictatorship or authoritarianism. The verse reads: "Thus
it is by Allah's mercy that thou art gentle on them. And hadst thou been rough,
hard-hearted, they would certainly would have dispersed from around thee. So
pardon them and ask protection for them, and consult them in (important
matters)..." Thus a ruler has to be gentle, not hard-hearted and rough and
has to act in consultation with the representatives of the people. This verse
has been addressed to the Prophet and no imam from his family can deviate from
this divine injunction.
Thus even an imam from the Prophet's
family cannot be absolutist and has to base his rule on democratic principles.
Thus even the Shi'ah theory of imamah cannot lead to absolutist or purely
personal rule. Also, an imam can be infallible in religious matters, in laying
down religious rulings. But in all secular and worldly matters he will be bound
by democratic structures of governance.
Secondly, the theory of imamah was
much more relevant as far as the close relatives of the Prophet who lived either
with him or very close to his period, was concerned. Today, more than fourteen
hundred years after the death of the holy Prophet, no one can claim such
physical closeness to the Prophet and its resultant benefits. And even within
the first century of the Prophet's death there were many claimants for the
office of Imam and the Shi'ahs were divided into number of sects and sub-sects
what of today fourteen hundred years after the death of the Prophet who can
determine the authenticity of the claimant to the office of the imamah? The
twelve Shi'ahs and also the Isma'ili-Mustalian Shi'ahs believe in seclusion of
their respective imams. No wonder than that Iran has adopted the elective
principle of governance which is what is the ultimate aim of the Islamic
scripture.
Also, once Islam
spread to vast areas of the world outside the confines of Arabia new ethnic and
racial groups were added to its fold. This proved both the strength as well as
weakness of the Islamic society. Strength as far as rich diversity was concerned
and weakness as far as complex problem and group conflicts it gave rise to. The
group conflicts got greatly intensified even within the limited period of
Khilafat-i-Rashidah which lasted for slightly less than thirty years.
During this period number of groups
came into existence. The most powerful group was of the tribe of Quraysh who
were muhajirs (immigrants) to Madina to which they migrated along with, or after
the Prophet, to avoid persecution in Mecca. They claimed to be the sabiqun al-awwalun
i.e. those who responded to the call of Islam earlier than others and also
belonged to the tribe of the Prophet. After the death of the Prophet they also
came out with the doctrine that the Khilafat be confined to the tribe of Quraysh.
However, the Quraysh were divided into several clans of which the clans of
Hashim (to which the Prophet himself belonged) and of Banu Umayyah were at
loggerheads. Among the Qurayshites the Hashimites and the Umayyads fought
against each other for the leadership of the nascent Muslim state. Ali and his
sons (particularly Hasan and Husain) who were claimants to the leadership all
belonged to the clan of Banu Hashim.
Then there were Ansars i.e. those who
belonged to the tribes of Aws, Khazraj of Madina and who had helped the Prophet
by swearing allegiance to the Prophet and helping him (hence Ansars i.e.
helpers) migrate to Madina and supporting him vis-a-vis his powerful opponents.
The Ansars also claimed leadership of the state after the death of the Prophet
on the basis that they had helped the Prophet and that without their help his
mission would not have survived. But the Qurayshites strongly resisted their
claim to the Khilafat. Then the leaders of the Ansars proposed a compromise and
said let one from the Quraysh and one from the Ansars share the leadership but
this was also turned down by the Qurayshites that it would lead to more conflict
and confusion.
The third group was of those Muslims
who embraced Islam from amongst the conquered non-Arab peoples of Iraqi or
Persian or Egyptian or Syrian origins. The emphasis of Islam on justice and
equality of all believers was great attraction for these non-Arab peoples. In
course of a few years large number of non-Arabs, most of them belonging to
weaker sections of society converted to Islam and demanded equal treatment. But
despite strong emphasis of Islam on equality of all believers irrespective of
their social status, nationality, colour or race, the ruling classes among
Muslims were not prepared to accord equal treatment to them. Most of the Muslims
were accepted Muslims only when they were made mawla (affiliate or associate) of
a tribe. Kufa and Basra in Iraq, Egypt, Damascus etc. became centres of these
non-Arab Muslims. Many of these non-Arab people were those captured in various
wars.
As for the first group i.e. the
Qurayshites, they wielded power with the second group of Ansars being their
co-partners. These groups were contented to a great extent though some
sub-groups were not. The Hashimites, for example, were a discontented group
among the Qurayshites as the non-Hashimites had captured power. Similarly among
the Ansars who were initially the allies of the Quraysh, the younger generation
among them felt neglected.
The fact that the second Caliph was
assassinated by a discontented non-Arab slave on the dispute about wages to be
paid to him, showed the beginning of the dissidence in early Islamic society. It
reached its peak during the period of 3rd Caliph Hazrat Usman when the non-Arab
people from Egypt, Kufa and Basra surrounded his house and murdered him in
presence of his wife when he was reciting the Holy Qur'an. Dr. Taha Husain
in his book Al-fitnah al-Kubra (The Great Insurrection) has dealt with this
problem. This uprising against Hazrat Usman was result of deep discontent found
among them as they felt completely neglected and found themselves discriminated
against.
Islam had tried to usher in a just
society based on compassion, sensitivity towards other fellow human beings,
equality and human dignity. However, the well entrenched vested interests,
though pay lip service to these values, in practice sabotage them in various
ways and continue to impose their own hegemony. The weaker sections and the
downtrodden attracted by the revolutionary thrust of Islam and its sensitivity
towards them, felt disillusioned and revolted. This revolt brought about near
anarchy in society and resulted in civil war in which thousands were killed.
There was yet another group of
Bedouins who lived in desert and resented the hegemony of the urban elite. They
considered the Khilafat as an urban rule imposed on them. They were not
accustomed to submission to any authority. Thus in the Battle of Camel
fought between the fourth Caliph Hazrat Ali and Amir Mu'awiyah, the bedouins
seceded from the army of Hazrat Ali and raised the slogan "al-hukmu lillah"
(i.e. Rule of Allah). They adopted extreme postures and caused much bloodshed in
the early history of Islam.
Ultimately the Umayyads captured
power and Khilafah was converted into monarchy. Maulana Abul A'ala Maududi has
thrown detailed light on it in his book Khilafat aur Mulukiyyat. Thus we see
that the Islamic society went through great deal of turmoil and bloodshed and
could not evolve a universally acceptable form of state. When the Abbasids
overthrew Umayyads in the first half of the second century of Islam, there again
was great deal of bloodshed. When the Abbasids captured power, some Umayyads
fled to Spain and established their own rule there. Now there were two Caliphs
simultaneously in the Islamic world. Earlier the theory was that there could be
only one Caliph or Imam at a time. Now that theory had to be revised in view of
the empirical reality and two Caliphs at a time were accepted. But still later
at the end of 2nd century of Islam the Fatimid Imams established their rule in
Egypt and now there were several rulers at a time in the Islamic world. The
Abbasid Caliphs were also reduced to nominal heads of the state as the Buwayhids
and Saljuqs captured powered and wielded real authority. They came to be known
as Sultans, the real power behind the Abbasid caliphs. The Islamic political
theory had to undergo change again. Now by and large non-Quraysh were wielding
power and hence the theory of Quraysh alone becoming caliph had to be abandoned.
Earlier the Kharijites (Seceders) who were mainly Bedouins and hence non-Qurayshites
had rejected the theory that only a Quraysh could become the caliph.
Thus we see that the political theory
of Islam had to undergo frequent changes to accommodate the empirical reality.
It is, therefore, not possible to talk of an 'Islamic State' with a sense of
finality. It is extremely difficult task to evolve any ijma' (consensus of
Muslims) on the issue. Today also there are several Muslim countries with as
varied forms of state as monarchical to dictatorial or semi-dictatorial to
democratic. All these states, however, call themselves as 'Islamic State'.
The forms and structures of state are
bound to vary from place to place and time to time. It would be very difficult,
for example, to create a democratic state in a feudal society. Thus the Qur'an
does not give much importance to the form of state but greatly emphasises the
nature of society. While the state is contingent the society based on values
like justice, equality, compassion and human dignity is a necessity in Islam.
And needless to say in our time it is only a democratic state with widest
possible power-sharing arrangement which can guarantee such a society.
Also, as per the Qur'anic teachings the Islamic state should guarantee equal
rights to all ethnic, racial, cultural, tribal and religious groups. The Qur'an
considers racial, national, tribal and linguistic differences as signs of Allah
and indicative of identity (see 30:22). It also accepts the right of other
religious communities to follow their own religion and it also accords
equal status to men and women (see 33:35 and 2:228). The Qur'an accepts
plurality in society as will of Allah (5:48).
Thus in view of all this an Islamic
state should have following characteristics: 1) It should be absolutely
non-discriminatory on the basis of race, colour, language and nationality;
2) it should guarantee gender equality; 3) it should guarantee equal rights to
all religious groups and accept plurality of religion as legitimate and 4)
lastly it should be democratic in nature whose basic premise will be human
dignity (17:70). Only those states which fulfill these criteria can be construed
to be Islamic in nature. Thus an Islamic state is the very epitome of modern
democratic pluralistic state.
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