India Moving Toward Outright Fascism
By Andrew Robinson
Date: 07-09-99
In news from South Asia the term "fundamentalist" usually calls up
the image of Islamic radicals. But in India, a virulent strain of Hindu
fundamentalism is gathering strength and PNS commentator Andrew Robinson sees in
this the foreshadowings of fascism in the world's largest democracy. Robinson,
who speak several Indian languages, has been writing about South Asian affairs
for over a decade.
"Islamic fundamentalist" is a familiar
cliche, one that has haunted the American imagination ever since Iran, 1979. In
contrast, the word "Hindu" calls to mind lightly-clad figures dancing
about with flowers and finger-cymbals.
So "Hindu fundamentalist" may seem odd -- but they are here.
Indeed, with 720,000 Indian troops massed at the Pakistani border, and democracy
in a kind of patriotic suspension since this round of fighting over Kashmir
began, India is beginning to resemble a fascist state.
The core of this movement are recruited when very young and drilled in the
martial arts. They carry lathis (hard cane sticks), wear Gestapo-like uniforms
and salute their superiors. Many of them, including high-ranking politicians,
openly worship Hitler -- wearing armbands and swastikas (the word is of Sanskrit
origin) among other icons.
"Germany has shown how well-nigh impossible it is for races and
cultures... to be assimilated into one united whole," says M.S. Golwalkar,
the leader of India's largest Hindu fundamentalist organization, Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). This is "a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to
learn and profit by."
Hindusthan means Hindu place. This and Hindutva (Hindu culture) and Hindu
Rashtra (Hindu nation) are all part of a campaign designed to turn India into
the Hindu equivalent of an Aryan state.
And the movement has never been stronger than it is today.
Indian Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee, described by Time magazine as "a
portly, affable... scholarly moderate," is an RSS cadre. So is his
political partner, Home Minister L.K. Advani, who was president of the Bharatiya
Janata Parishad (BJP), now India's ruling party. The current BJP president,
Kushabhu Thakre, is a lifelong RSS member -- and as fanatic as they come.
In fact, some 75 percent of the BJP's executives have RSS roots, and many
consider the BJP nothing more than the RSS dressed in politician's clothing. The
BJP's popularity is based almost entirely on nationalistic principals as applied
against Christians, Muslims, and India's arch foe, Pakistan -- particularly over
the Kashmir, where the majority Muslim population has sought to secede from
India.
When the BJP first established a government in 1996, it lasted a total of 12
days. When they took power again a year later, they were still trying to form a
stable coalition when Vajpayee ordered underground nuclear tests. Popular
support for the BJP swelled -- nowhere more loudly than in Hindu fundamentalist
groups like the RSS and Shiv Sena (Shiva's Army).
"We will no longer be thought of as a country of eunuchs!"
exclaimed Shiv Sena leader Bal Thakaray, referring to the reputation for
non-violence that has dogged India ever since Gandhi shed his lawyer's suit.
The BJP was quick to increase military spending (by as much as 68 percent for
its nuclear program). The amount allocated for new weapons was only slightly
less than the total for education, health and social programs -- in a country
that reports only about 50 percent of its adult population is literate. About
200 million Indians -- some 20 percent -- lack access to clean water and more
than 300 million survive on less than 50 cents per day.
Last May, only a few days after learning that his government was on the verge
of dissolving, Prime Minister Vajpayee ordered the test of a nuclear-capable
missile. Home Minister Advani -- and many others -- publicly declared that
India's nuclear capability (often called the "Hindu Bomb" in the
press) would finally bring a lasting solution to the Kashmir situation. He was
-- as events have shown -- wrong. In fact, the opposite may be true.
The fighting in Kargil at the border "appears to be just one event set
off by the forces unleashed after last year's nuclear tests in Pokhran
[India]," explains Praveen Swami, a senior journalist with India's
Frontline Magazine. "The self-proclaimed defender of national unity, the
Bharatiya Janata Party, has led India to its most serious crisis since the war
of 1948."
Hard-line Hindus are calling for a nuclear attack against Pakistan. Once
relatively balanced newspapers now publish anti-Pakistan commentary and paeans
to Indian bravery as hard news. One Internet provider in Bombay has blocked web
access to Pakistan's English-language daily. Celebrities rush to Kashmir to
donate blood -- including even Sonia Gandhi, president of the opposition
Congress(I) party. And Indian cricket authorities are recommending the country's
team no longer play against Pakistan -- something Hindu fundamentalists have
long sought.
This is not to say that fundamentalism, or for that matter fascism, is any
less virulent across the Pakistani border. But in light of current Indian
politics, the battle over Kashmir is clearly less about territory than about
stirring up mass support for a fundamentalist political agenda.
"When facing discontent from people at home, foster discontent for
people abroad," said an Athenian statesman in the 5th century B.C. Perhaps
the American media is too jaded by its own history of war distractions and
wag-the-dog tales to recognize the phenomenon abroad, but 2500 years later the
Athenian's lesson appears to apply to the world's largest democracy.

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