Thirteen years before the rising
of the Spanish fascist generals, Ireland had a civil war. This was on
the issue of full national independence from British imperialismfollowing
a four-year period of mass resistance and a militant guerrilla struggle.
The conservative bourgeoisie and its abettors in the national movement
accepted the terms of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, which created
two states in Ireland: one formally independent and the other colonial.
This treaty was opposed by a radical section of the national movement,
and a bitter civil war broke out. In 1923 the pro-treatyites won a military
victory with the help of British armaments.
The Irish civil war created a major dividing
line among the Irish people. It was followed by an uneasy peace. In
1932 the pro-treaty government headed by William Cosgrave was defeated
in a general election. A new government was formed by the Fianna Fail
Party led by Eamon De Valera. That party mainly represented the interests
of the smaller capitalists, traders and middle farmers. Its programme
called for strengthening Ireland politically and economically as an
independent state. However, in the social sphere the De Valera Government
largely continued Cosgraves anti-labour policies.
The electoral defeat of the Cosgrave Government
was a setback for Irish reaction. To regain ground, the reactionaries
launched a hysterical campaign against the Left Republicans and Communists.
In March 1933, incited by the reactionaries, a mob sacked Connolly
House, the headquarters of the Irish Revolutionary Workers and Small
Farmers Groups, from which, despite the terror and government persecution,
the Communist Party of Ireland was formed in June 1933. On its initiative
the Irish Republican Congress, which united the Left Republicans,
the tenant and unemployed associations, the small farmers and other
organisations, was founded in September 1934.
In Ireland, as in other European countries,
there was a fascist movement that called itself the "Blueshirt
movement". Its leader was General Owen ODuffy, who had
commanded the pro-treaty troops and had been chief of police until
the election of the De Valera Government. ODuffy had established
contact with international fascist circles and incorporated in the
objectives of the Blueshirt movement the creation of an Irish corporative
state. On February 28, 1934, Deputy J. A. Costello declared in the
Irish Parliament: "The Blackshirts have been victorious in Italy,
and the Hitler brownshirts have been victorious in Germany, as assuredly,
the blueshirts will be victorious in Ireland." (Irish independent,
29/2/1934)
This fascist threat was met by a fighting
united effort of Republicans, trade unionists, Communists and small
farmers. Led by Frank Ryan, Tom Barry, George Gilmore, Sean Murray
and Peadar ODonnell, they drove the blueshirts off the streets
after many violent encounters. Many of the men who were active in
this struggle later joined the International Brigades.
In Ireland the Right-wing forces supported
the revolt of the reactionary Spanish generals on July 18, 1936 with
a hysterical propaganda campaign. Playing on the religious feeling
of the people, the Irish reactionaries, particularly the blueshirts,
slandered the Spanish Republic. For instance, the reactionary newspaper
Irish Independent described the Left-wing bourgeois government, formed
by Manuel Azaña in February 1936 after the Popular Fronts electoral
victory, as a "group of bloodthirsty Bolsheviks, persecutors
of Catholic nuns and priests". This sort of propaganda found
a response among politically backward sections of the people.
This distortion of the developments in
Spain confused even many members of the Irish Labour and Republican
organisations. The first clear exposition of the real issues of the
war in Spain was given on July 27, 1936 by The Worker, the weekly
bulletin of the Communist Party of Ireland: "In Spain, as we
write, a new immortal page of working-class history is being inscribed.
The reports published by the capitalist press are like a dust cloud
obscuring the fighters as they strain in combat, but from the glimpses
of the truth we can picture the rest." After detailing the programme
of the Spanish Popular Front the weekly stressed that the programme
had the full support of the Socialists and the Communists, neither
of whom had representatives in the government. It ended the report
with the words: "Greetings to our heroic Spanish brothers and
sisters in their glorious fight!"
This clear declaration by the Communist
weekly helped many to assess the situation correctly, but the capitalist
press proceeded shamelessly to poison the minds of the Irish people.
In the ferment of organised hysteria ODuffy, the leader of the
blueshirts, posed as a "saviour of religion" and announced
his intention to form an Irish Brigade of volunteers to "fight
for Christianity in Spain". [Editors note. Recruited to fight
on Francos side, the Irish Brigade was in Spain for less than
six months. It took part in only one action with Moroccan troops and
lost two men in the encounter. Four others were killed during a brief
period in the trenches. Realising that they had been duped the men
of the brigade mutinied and demanded to be sent home. Upon their return
to Ireland they were given a carefully managed heros welcome.
For some time they basked in the blaze of publicity, which extolled
their "deeds" in the Franco army. With the aid of clericals,
pressure was applied on them to prevent them from telling the truth
about Franco Spain. The news of this brigades fiasco was printed
in only a few newspapers, one of which was The New York Times. A varnished
account of the brigades "exploits" is given in a book
published by Owen ODuffy in Dublin in 1938.] The reactionary
Irish Christian Front was formed and it held rallies attended by clerical
and lay dignitaries, who with religious slogans campaigned for Irish
support for Franco. As a result, the large sum of £30,000 was collected
at the church doors allegedly for the reconstruction of the churches
damaged or destroyed in the fighting. Some of it found its way to
the Franco forces and the rest disappeared, a fact that was, needless
to say, completely played down.
The Irish anti-fascists staunchly fought
the hate campaign against Republican Spain. They were helped considerably
by the clear analysis given by Sean Murray, the General Secretary
of the Communist Party of Ireland, in his weekly articles on Spain
in The Worker. Meetings were held to give people the truth
about Spain. An outstanding public speaker, Murray addressed these
meetings. On one occasion he said: "I warn the workers of Ireland
against the press reports about atrocities in Spain. These come from
imperialist liars, the hirelings of fascism. Their purpose is to turn
the outside world against the Spanish Republic and to try to get foreign
intervention to foist fascism on the people of Spain. These liars
are not to be believed." Giving instances of how religious slogans
had been used in Irelands own struggles in order to conceal
the upper class opposition to the peoples demands, he pointed
out that the same tactic was being used in Spain. "The gallant
Spanish people," he said, "are not only fighting against
the traitors within Spain but against the enemies of liberty throughout
all Europe, Ireland included. This makes the Spanish question indeed
a question for the friends of freedom in every land. Are we in Ireland
to stand aside and allow this crime against the people of Spain to
be carried out before our eyes?" (The Worker, 15/8/1936)
Another powerful voice that came to the
defence of the Spanish Republic was that of Peadar ODonnell.
A well-known guerrilla fighter in 1920-23 and the author of many books,
he had actually been travelling in Spain when the fascist revolt occurred.
His first-hand accounts made an important contribution to making the
truth known. Also active in championing the Spanish Republic was another
famous Irish guerrilla, Ernie OMalley, the author of On Another
Mans Wounds, a well-known book on the Irish War of Independence.
Regrettably, in this tense situation there
was no clear call from either the Irish Trade Union Congress or the
Irish Labour (Social Democratic) Party. However, at the annual conference
of the Irish Trade Union Congress in August 1936 Christie Clark (Irish
National Union of Woodworkers) Bob Smith (Plumbing Trade Union) and
some other delegates did raise their voices in support of their Spanish
brothers. The Irish newspapers, however, suppressed all mention of
their statements in their reports of the congress meetings.
With the growth of the peoples solidarity
with the anti-fascist struggle in Spain the Irish capitalist and religious
press stepped up its campaign of lies and slander. Despite the paucity
of progressive papers and the existence of pogrom-like atmosphere
the fearless work of the first defenders of the Spanish Republic in
Ireland began to have results. An All-Ireland Spanish Aid Committee
was formed. It was headed by prominent public figures like Mrs. Sheehy-Skeffington
(widow of an Irish pacifist who was murdered by a British Army officer
in 1916); Dorothy MacArdle, the Irish writer; Nora Connolly-OBrien
(daughter of James Connolly, the Irish Socialist leader who was executed
by the British imperialists for his leadership of the uprising of
1916) and R. N. Tweedy. In Belfast Harry Midgley, the Labour
Member of the Parliament and Chairman of
the Labour Party of Northern Ireland declared his stand with the anti-fascists
of Spain. Despite a campaign of intimidation against them, the delegates
to the Irish Conference of the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers
Union in September 1936 unanimously declared their approval of the
British Executives decision in granting £1,000 for aid to the
Spanish Government. A committee was formed in Dublin and Belfast to
organise an Irish Ambulance Corps for the Spanish Republican Army.
Although the Irish Catholic Church was
violently pro-Franco, the Reverend Michael OFlanagan fearlessly
and heroically championed the cause of Republican Spain. He had played
a leading part in the movement against British imperialism and had
been one of the few priests who openly denounced the treaty of 1921.
Speaking at a meeting of solidarity with Republican Spain in the Engineers
Hall, Dublin, on December 3, 1936, OFlanagan said: "The
fight in Spain is a fight between the rich privileged classes as against
the rank and file of the poor oppressed people of Spain. The cause
being fought for in Spain is nearer to us than realised. The Foreign
Legion and the Moorish troops are to Spain what the Black and Tans
(a mercenary corps of ex-British officers of World War I sent to Ireland
in 1920-21 as a special punitive and terror detachment against the
Irish guerrillas and civilian population.Author) were to Ireland."
(The Worker, 12/12/1936) He spoke against the activities of
the Irish Christian Front in recruiting an Irish Brigade for Franco.
OFlanagan and the Spanish Aid Committee
(which later developed into the Irish Friends of the Spanish Republic)
exposed the claim of the Spanish fascists and the Irish reactionaries
that the war in Spain was on religious issues. Father OFlanagan
went on a lecture tour of the USA and Canada, where he spoke at many
meetings and delivered many broadcasts in which he emphasised to the
Catholics of these countries the real issues in Spain. He died in
Dublin on August 7, 1942, a sterling Irish patriot and militant anti-fascist
to the end.
Although they were frightened by the persecution
of champions of the Spanish Republic, many trade-union leaders made
generous but anonymous personal subscriptions to the Spanish Aid Committee,
while some (for example, John Swift, now General Secretary of the
Irish Bakers Union and President of the International Union
of Food Workers) were forthright in raising financial aid from their
fellow trade-unionists. Supporters of the Spanish Republic held a
meeting on January 17, 1937 in the Gaiety Theatre, one of Dublins
largest halls. The main speaker was Father Ramon Laborda, a Basque
priest. He exposed the assertion that the fascists were defending
Christianity: "When I read recently that the Catholics of Ireland
were offering men and money to fascist Franco, the personification
of the most brutal imperialism, I exclaimed indignantly: It
is impossible. Ireland could not do that unless she has been
miserably deceived." (The Worker, 23/1/1937)
There was a quick response in Ireland to
the news that foreign anti-fascist volunteers were arriving in Spain.
The Communists took part in this manifestation of international solidarity.
In September 1936, the decision was taken
to form an Irish unit for the Spanish Republican Army. The Communist
Party of Ireland gave the task of recruitment and organisation to
Bill Gannon, a Party member who had considerable experience of political
work in the Irish Republican Army and been decorated with an Irish
Governmental Medal for his distinguished record in the Irish national
struggle. The first Irish volunteer arrived in Spain in early September.
He was Bill Scott, a bricklayer, member of the CPI, one-time member
of the Irish Republican Army, and son of a veteran of the working-class
movement who had taken part in the 1916 rising led by James Connolly.
In Barcelona he joined a group of French, German, Italian and English
anti-fascists, who formed an International Centuria that later took
the name of Thaelmann. In the defence of Madrid Bill Scott fought
with the Thaelmann Battalion. In a letter to Sean Murray he wrote:
"You neednt mind who knows I am in Spain ... for ... its
the most sacred cause in history to defend Freedom." (The
Worker, 19/3/1937) The first Irish anti-fascists fell in action
in December 1936 defending Madrid. They were Tommy Patton of Achill,
County Mayo, and William Barry of Dublin, who came all the way from
Melbourne in Australia to Madrid.
The first organised group of Irish volunteers
left for Spain in December. It was led by Frank Ryan, who prior to
the departure made a press statement, in which he said: "The
Irish contingent is a demonstration of revolutionary Irelands
solidarity with the gallant Spanish workers and peasants in their
fight for freedom against fascism. It aims to redeem Irish honour
besmirched by the intervention of Irish fascism on the side of the
Spanish fascist rebels. It is to aid the revolutionary movements in
Ireland to defeat the fascist menace at home, and finally, and not
the least, o establish the closest fraternal bonds of kinship between
the Republican democracies of Ireland and Spain." (The Worker,
19/12/1936)
Frank Ryan, commander of the Irish in the
International Brigades, personified the best militant and revolutionary
traditions of the Irish people. At the age of 18 he had taken part
in the war against the Black and Tans and subsequently against the
pro-treaty forces in the Irish civil war. A revolutionary journalist,
he was for many years the editor of An Phoblacht (The Republic).
He was one of the founders and the secretary of the Irish Republican
Congress. In the period from 1923 to 1932 he was imprisoned time and
again by the Cosgrave Government. He was a respected figure for his
integrity and fighting personality and for his efforts to promote
Irish culture (he was an enthusiast in the Irish-Gaelic-national language
revival movement).
With him in the first organised group went
outstanding figures in the Irish Republican, communist and working-class
movements. Among these were Kit Conway of Tipperary, a legendary figure
of the Black and Tans and civil wars; Jack Nalty and Paddy Duff; Donal
OReilly (a veteran IRA fighter from a well-known revolutionary
family), Frank Edwards of Waterford, who had been dismissed from his
post as a teacher because of his anti-fascist activity; Seamus Cummins
and Jim Prendergast, a well-known activist and public speaker for
the Irish Communist Party. The first Irish group went to Madrigueras
to be shaped into a military unit. This was speedily done as most
of them, including the youngest had at some stage or other been members
of the IRA in which they had a military training. The Irish section
of the International Brigade became known as the James Connolly Unit.
The ranks of the Irish in Madrigueras were
continually augmented by new arrivals from Ireland as well as by many
other Irishmen who had come from Britain and the U.S.A. The latter
had been driven into exile by the economic pressure of unemployment
or had been forced to leave Ireland for political reasons. Among the
Irish there were two sets of brothersJohn, Willie and Paddy
Power from Waterford and the three OFlahertys from Boston, the
"Little Ireland" of the U.S.A.
The revolutionary background, the fighting
traditions, political conduct and military fervour of the Irish attracted
to their ranks English-speaking comrades who could claim no relationship
with Ireland. They included Samuel Lee, a young Jewish volunteer,
who was later to die with his Irish comrades in the battle of Jarama,
and John Scott from South Africa, who fell near Morata.
On December 24, 1936, the Irish Unit went
to the front for the first time along with the British and the French
12th Battalion of the 14th International Brigade. At the time not
all of the brigades units had been formed, but an emergencya
fascist breakthrough of the Republican front in the south near Cordoba
required immediate action. As they approached the front, to be more
exact, the locality where the front was believed to be, for nobody
knew how far the fascists had penetrated, they were strafed by aircraft.
Reaching an olive grove by a sand road they were caught in a crossfire
by machine-guns from the surrounding ridges. The battalion, including
the Irish, continued its advance and occupied a hill, driving the
fascists off.
However, it soon appeared that the battalion
was almost completely encircled by the fascists. There was confusion
among the untrained men, and soon a withdrawal was ordered. In this
unexpected encounter the battalion suffered heavy casualties. The
Irish Unit lost nine men. They were: John Meehan of Galway, the Dublin
workers Michael Nolan, Jim Foley, Leo Green, Tony Fox, Henry Bonar
and Tommy Woods, the young Irish Republican Boy Scout Mick May (who,
as Frank Ryan wrote, "did great work ... covering off his comrades
as they went back under shell and machine-gun fire") and Frank
Conroy ("who fought like a hero the same day") (The Worker,
6/2/1937). The other battalions of the 14th Brigade arrived in a few
days and together with the Spanish units they counter-attacked and
brought the enemy to a halt.
Soon afterwards the brigade was transferred
to the Central Front, where the Republican forces were repulsing a
strong fascist thrust towards the north-eastern approaches of Madrid.
The Irish were in action from January 11 through 14 in a counterattack
on the village of Majadahonda. The Dublin worker Denis Coady was killed
in this counter-attack. His comrades buried him in Torrelodones. In
the fighting Captain Kit Conway particularly distinguished himself
for his leadership in repulsing an attempted counter-attack by the
Moroccans at nightfall. A large number of the James Connolly Unit
was wounded. Jack Nalty who had been wounded in the chest by a burst
of machine-gun fire, walked five kilometers to the nearest dressing
station. A well-known athlete, he survived the first and all subsequent
battles of the Irish Unit, and fell in the last action of the 15th
Brigade on the Ebro in September 1938.
The Irish mourned not only their own dead
but also the death on the Cordoba Front of Ralph Fox, a talented English
Communist writer, a company political commissar. He had endeared himself
to them for his book Marx, Engels and Lenin on Ireland. Many of the
Irish fighters had read this book and it had strengthened their conviction
that Irish national liberation had to be closely linked with international
proletarian solidarity.
Because of the high rate of casualties
the James Connolly Unit was disbanded and the Irish volunteers were
divided between the British and American battalions of the newly formed
Abraham Lincoln 15th International Brigade. In the ranks of this brigade
they fought in the famous battle of the Jarama. In that battle there
were defeats and victories. One of the engagements was recorded by
Frank Ryan:
On the road from Chinchón to Madrid, the road along which we had
marched to the attack three days before, were scattered now all
who surviveda few hundred Britons, Irish and Spaniards. Dispirited
by heavy casualties, by defeat, by lack of food, worn out by three
days of gruelling fighting, our men appeared to have reached the
end of their resistance. Some were still straggling down the slopes
which had been, up to an hour ago, the front line. And now there
was no line.... After three days of terrific struggle, the superior
numbers, the superior armaments of the fascists had routed them.
All, as they came back, had similar stories to tell; of comrades
dead, of conditions that were more than flesh and blood could stand,
of weariness they found hard to resist. I recognised the young commissar
of the Spanish Company. His hand bloody where a bullet had grazed
the palm, he was fumbling nervelessly with his automatic, in turn
threatening and pleading with his men. I got Manuel to calm him,
and to tell him we would rally everybody in a moment. As I walked
along the road to see how many men we had, I found myself deciding
that we should go back up the line of the road to San Martin de
la Vega and take the Moors on their left flank.
Groups were lying about on the roadside,
hungrily eating oranges that had been thrown to them from a passing
lorry.... I found my eyes straying always to the hills we had vacated....
They stumbled to their feet.... One line of four.... A few were still
on the grass bank beside the road, adjusting helmets and rifles. Hurry
up! came the cry from the ranks. Up the road ... I saw Jack
Cunningham (the battalion commander.Ed.) assembling another
crowd. We hurried up, joined forces. Together, we two marched at the
head. The crowd behind was marching silently. The thoughts in their
minds could not be inspiring ones. I remembered a trick of the old
days when we were holding banned demonstrations. I jerked my head
back: Sing up, ye sons of guns.
Quaveringly at first, then more lustily,
then in one resounding chant the song rose from the ranks. Bent
backs straightened; tired legs thumped sturdily; what had been a
routed rabble marched to battle again as proudly as they had done
three days before. And the valley resounded to their singing:
... Then comrades, come
rally,
And the last fight let us face;
The Internationale unites the human ...
On we marched, back up the road, nearer
and nearer to the front.... I looked back. Beneath the forest of
upraised fists, what a strange band: unshaven, unkempt, bloodstained,
grimy. And marching on the road back. Beside the road stood our
Brigade Commander General we gave three cheers for him. Briefly,
tersely, he spoke to us. We had one and a half-hours of daylight
in which to recapture our lost positions. That gap on our
right? A Spanish Battalion was coming up with us to occupy
it. Again the Internationale arose. It was being sung in French
too... a group of Franco-Belge had joined us. We passed the Spanish
Battalion. They had caught the infection: they were singing, too,
as they deployed to the right. Jack Cunningham seemed to be the
only man who was not singing. Hands thrust into hi greatcoat pockets,
he trudged at the head of his men.... We were singing; he was planning.
As the olive groves loom in sight, we
deploy to the left. A last, we are on the ridge, the ridge which
we must never again desert. For, while we hold that ridge, the Madrid-Valencia
road is free. Bullets whistle through the air, or smack into the
ground or find a human target. Cries, shouts.... But always the
louder interminable singing.
Flat on the ground, we fire into the
groves. There are no sections, no companies even. But the individuals
jump ahead, and set an example that is readily followedtoo
readily, because sometimes they block our fire.... Advancing! All
the time advancing. As I crawl forward I suddenly realise, with
savage joy, that it is we who are advancing and they who are being
pushed back." (The Book of the 15th Brigade, Madrid,
1938, pp58-61)
The fascist offensive was hurtled back.
But again the Irish, among all the other international volunteers,
paid a high price. They lost some of their best and bravest men like
the Reverend R. M. Hilliard, known because of his fistic prowess in
the ring as the Boxing Parson. In the earlier stage of the fascist
advance he had fought on against the advancing tanks with a little
group that had neither an anti-tank gun nor grenades. With him died
Eamonn McGrotty of Derry, who had been a member of the Irish Christian
Brothers a Catholic teaching order; William Fox, Bill Henry and Dick
ONeil of Belfast; Hugh Bonar of Donegal; Liam Tumilson, the
ex-member of the anti-national sectarian Orange Order, who in Spain
had proved his fealty both to the cause of Irish national liberation
and of international solidarity; Paddy McDaid, whose battles before
Jarama had included the defence of the Four Counts in Dublin during
the Irish civil war in 1922; Charlie Donnelly, a student at University
College, Dublin, a leader of the Irish Republican Congress, a young
poet of great promise, who had interrupted his work on the life of
James Connolly to go to Spain.
For the Irish the greatest loss was sustained
in the death of Captain Kit Conway. More than 16 years before he had
earned for himself the reputation of a tough guerrilla commander against
both the British imperialists and the pro-treatyites in Ireland. An
indomitable opponent of fascism, he joined the Communist Party of
Ireland and was well known in many parts of his country for his fighting
opposition to the blueshirts. Because of the pogrom atmosphere in
Ireland against the defenders of Republican Spain, many of the volunteers
had to leave the country quietly. But Conway, an active member of
the Building Workers Section of the Irish Transport and General
Workers Union, on the day of his departure addressed his fellow
workers on the construction job where he worked. He explained what
was happening in Spain, saying: "Sooner than fascism should win
there, I would leave my body in Spain to manure the fields."
In March 1937 many of the Irish who had
been wounded on the Jarama, like Peter Daly of County Wexford, arrived
at the base in Albacete, where new recruits were being formed into
a unit. This was the Anglo-American Company, which had sections of
Americans, Latin-Americans and a section composed of Irish and British.
This company was attached to the 20th Battalion.
Two Irishmen, Peter Daly and Paddy ODaire,
were lieutenants in the Anglo-American Company, which took part in
the fighting at Pozoblanco. After four months on the Southern Front
they were returned to Albacete for the purpose of rejoining the reorganised
15th Brigade.
From July 6 to 26 the Irish volunteers
took part in the battle of Brunete, where they lost Thomas Morris;
two comrades from Belfast, William Laughran and William Beattie; the
Dubliner William Davis; and Michael Kelly of Ballinasloe. Another
Irishman, George Brown, who was a leading figure in the communist
and working-class movement in Manchester, was shot by the fascists
as he lay wounded on the roadside. After Brunete, when there was a
further reorganization of the various battalions of the 15th Brigade,
Peter Daly was appointed commander of the British Battalion. During
the capture of Quinto on the Aragon Front, he was seriously wounded
and later died in a hospital in Benicasim.
Four months later, at the battle for Teruel,
three more Irish volunteers were to lay down their lives. They were
Peter Glacken, Francis OBrien and David Walshe, a lad from Ballina
in the west of Ireland.
In Aragon during the fascist offensive
that began on March 9, 1938, Ben Murray, a Belfast worker, died a
heros death in an attempt to stop the advancing Franco troops.
On the same front, Frank Ryan, now with
the rank of major and adjutant of the 15th Brigade, was taken prisoner
by the Italian fascists. They lined him up on the road with all the
other prisoners and with bayonet-prods tried to force him to give
the fascist salute. Ryan with a proud bearing refused. Under the threat
of death they persisted in their efforts, but he continued to treat
them with contempt. They then placed him in front of a firing party
and proceeded to enact the motions of an execution. He still remained
adamant. They did not kill himas one of the senior officers
considered that such a ranking officer of the International Brigade
was a prize that could possibly be exchanged for one of the Italian
fascist officers captured by the Republican forces. Frank Ryan was
taken to the concentration camp at Mora del Ebro, and later to the
prison of San Pedro de Cárdenas, where the fascist gaolers tried to
break him with torture. They failed. He was transferred to the Burgos
Central Prison, where a court-martial sentenced him to death. A committee
consisting of prominent personalities was formed in Ireland to campaign
for his release. In this they did not succeed, but the fascists had
to commute the death sentence to 30 years imprisonment.
In 1937 and 1938 new volunteers arrived
to fill the gaps in the ranks of the Irish. The new and veteran Irish
fought, alongside the British, Americans, Canadians, Cypriots and
others who made up the 15th Brigade, in the crossing of the Ebro and
in the subsequent battles on the Sierra Pandols. There the Irish Roll
of Honour gained new names: Jimmy Straney, Maurice Ryan and Paddy
OSullivan, the senior officer of No. 1 Company of the British
Battalion.
On September 22, 1938, two years after
the first Irish anti-fascist had come to Madrid, the last two Irish
deaths in action took place. They were Liam McGregor, a young political
commissar and leading figure in the Communist Party of Ireland, and
Jack Nalty, officer of a machine-gun company, who had come in the
first group with Frank Ryan. Fascist bullets ended the life of men
who had been active in the Irish Republican, trade union and communist
movements.
The withdrawal of the International Brigades
in September 1938 ended the period of service of the Irish anti-fascists
in the ranks of the Spanish Peoples Army. In December they set
out for home. They had fulfilled the pledge of solidarity and had
redeemed the honour and freedom-loving traditions of the Irish people.
Their struggle was a natural expression of traditional links between
the Irish national liberation movement and the cause of international
solidarity.
Compared numerically with the contributions
of other countries to the International Brigades, that of Ireland
was not large, but the difficult political conditions under which
the Irish joined the movement must be borne in mind. Of the 127 Irish
volunteers who came to Spain 55 laid down their lives. Irish newspapers
rarely reported the death of an Irish fighter of the International
Brigade. Records of their struggle and heroism could only be found
in the progressive weekly Irish Democrat.
During the Second World War four of the
Irish veterans fought in the ranks of the anti-Hitler forces: Paddy
ODaire, who nose to the rank of major; Alec Digges, who is now
prominent in the Association of the International Brigade and Friends
of Republican Spain; Michael Lehane, who was killed in a Norwegian
transport during a clash with the enemy; Paddy Roe MacLaughlin.
Those who returned home encountered many
difficulties caused by the unemployment that had gripped Ireland.
For an anti-fascist fighter home from Spain the prospect of finding
work was extremely doubtful. Nonetheless, many went back to their
homeland and continued the struggle.
For instance, Donal OReilly resumed
his trade-union work. He is now a member of the Executive Committee
of the Irish Plasterers Union and of the Dublin Council of Trade
Unions.
Jim Prendergast went back to his post in
the Irish Communist Party and later worked among the Irish emigrant
workers in Britain. At present he is a leading figure in the National
Union of Railwaymen. Paddy Duff, who was one of the first Irish volunteers
in Spain, became a fulltime official in the Workers Union of
Ireland. Michael ORiordan, Johnny Power and Paddy Smith spent
the war years in an Irish internment camp. James F. ORegan and
Liam OHanlon served nine years of penal servitude in British
goals for Irish Republican activity. Hugh Hunter resumed his tireless
work as an activist in the Irish communist movement. Peter OConnor
served as a Labour Councillor in his native city of Waterford. Others,
like Frank Edwards and Tom OBrien, continued to serve in the
Irish progressive movement.
In the long run, thanks to the efforts
of the former volunteers, the truth about Spain became known to the
Irish people. Indicative of this was the protest evoked by the "friendly"
visit of Italian fascist warships to the Port of Dublin in 1938. The
fascist officers had to flee the streets in face of a demonstration
of workers singing Bandera Rossa. The song had been brought to Dublin
by Irish members of the International Brigade who had borrowed it
from the Italian Garibaldi Brigade.
One of the main tasks of the men who had
returned from Spain was to secure the release of Frank Ryan from Franco
captivity. For this purpose, as we have already noted, a committee
was formed which organised protest rallies and actions. In an attempt
to damp down the campaign the De Valera Government gave false assurances
that Frank Ryan was being well looked after in Burgos. Only in later
years was it revealed that he had been taken from Burgos to Germany
and that he died in Dresden on June 10, 1944. Today he lies buried
in the soil of the German Democratic Republic and his grave is tended
by former German comrades of the 11th Brigade.
As the fascist attack on the Spanish Republic
had its sharp reverberations in Ireland in 1936, so will the present
courageous struggle of the Spanish people against Francoism have its
effect on Ireland that has still not secured full national independence.
For that reason solidarity with Spain is inalienable from the struggle
of the Irish people for national freedom. Many of the Irish people,
once duped by the flow of reactionary propaganda, now display a vital
interest in the developments in Spain. The real issues of the war
of 1936-39 have become clearer to them. For instance, they see the
growing unity between Communist and Catholic workers in Spain and
hear that a number of churches have become organised centres of resistance
to the Franco regime.
Though reaction is still very strong in
Ireland, none of its champions would now dare to call a public meeting
of support for Franco. None of them celebrated the 30th anniversary
of the generals revolt. On the other hand, the Connolly Youth
Movement, which was founded in 1964, honoured the anniversary of the
beginning of the Spanish peoples national-revolutionary war
by a public lecture. The Laurentian (Catholic) Society of Trinity
College, Dublin, organised a symposium on the Spanish war. The symposium
was attended by Peader ODonnell of the Irish Friends of the
Spanish Republic, and Michael ORiordan, former member of the
International Brigade. Solidarity with the Spanish students is displayed
by the Irish Union of Students. These changes in the context of Ireland
are a good measure of the impact of the Spanish peoples continuing
struggle against Francoism. They are also a vindication of those who,
at the cost of their lives, fulfilled on behalf of all the Irish people
their internationalist duty on the battlefields of Spain.
The anti-fascist traditions of the Irish
Unit of the International Brigade are alive today in a new generation
of fighters. They live on in the Irish Communist Party, in the Irish
labour and trade union organisations, in the Republican movement and
in the Connolly Youth Movement formed to advance the ideals of national
and social liberation and international solidarity. |