The Ta Power Document:

An Essay on the History of
the Irish Republican Socialist Movement

(Introduction & part one)

The Irish Republican Socialist Movement is proud to publish this essay written by Thomas "Ta" Power on the history of the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, and his analysis of how the Movement should be reorganized to overcome past weaknesses it had encountered.

The essay called for the armed aspect of the movement to subordinate itself to the political direction of the party. In Ireland, where physical force has been inseparably linked to the concept of republicanism for centuries, and where the party, if it existed at all, as usually no more than an apparatus through which the army spoke, this was a virtually unheard of concept.

What makes this essay of particular importance is not simply the concept it proposes. It is important because Ta Power was an imprisoned member of the Irish National Liberation Army at the time the essay was written, and that the ideas advocated in the essay were later accepted by the INLA with overwhelming support. The armed wing of an Irish revolutionary movement called for its own subordination to the political leadership of the party, and proclaimed the party to be the leadership of the movement as a whole. This is what makes Power's document of truly historic importance.

Beyond its departure from the traditional form of Irish revolutionary organization, Power's essay is a painfully honest review of the history of the Irish Republican Socialism Movement, analysing its weakness and strengths, acknowledging unpleasant facts, and offering concrete means of countering these problems in the future.

Before Ta Power was able to see the full effect of his ideas, the embodiment of the very problems he identified so well left him dead - murdered in a cowardly ambush under the flag of truce. In January, 1987, Ta Power was shot and killed, with INLA Chief of Staff John O'Reilly, while they were waiting to meet with members of a group calling itself the "Irish People's Liberation Organization." The IPLO was composed of members of several factions purged from the INLA during the preceding four years for having brought the organization into disrepute through their criminal activities. Once bitter enemies, the IPLO leaders were joined together for the sole purpose of attempting to destroy the Irish Republican Socialist Movement. The IPLO attacks nearly succeeded in destroying the Irish Republican Socialist Movement, but the adoption of Ta Power's analysis and proposals helped the organization to rebuild and continue, free from the problems that once plagued it. Since the attacks in 1987, the INLA has been free of the internal factional disputes, as well as from the stigma of criminal elements reputed to be within its ranks.

The IRSM salutes the memory of Ta Power, who remains an inspiration to us. His memorial will be a 32-County Socialist Republic of Ireland.

This essay is just a broad, general view of the emergence of the IRSP, what it arose from, what historical conditions and needs gave birth to it; what role it has played, and what role it has still to play. Another essay aimed at analyzing its faults, criticizing the root cause of these, and proposing the necessary remedies will be forthcoming.

This essay is just a broad and general view of the emergence of the IRSP, what it arose from, what historical needs and conditions gave birth to it what role it has played and what role it still has to play. Another essay aimed at analysing its faults; criticising the root cause of these and proposing the necessary remedies will be forthcoming.

The 4th December 1974 is the date when the IRSP publicly and formally announced its formation, but it didn't spring up fully formed out of the blue; it, like everything else, had its roots in history, going back to the 1960's and the leftward direction which the Republican Movement was embarking on.

The Republican Movement at that time, as indeed throughout its history, was a monolithic movement, ideologically united and disciplined in its strategy and tactics. It contains an element, which disciplined in its strategy and tactics. It contains an element which embraced the old traditional militarist approach to resolving the national question, whilst its biggest element was the now avowedly socialist element and their approach involving Republican involvement in all social and political views and issues of the day throughout the entire country.

A trend was already developing "within" this element a very influential and leading sector which while sprouting the socialist approach and a need for armed wing to confront imperialism and its allies in Ireland, was steadily working towards a fully reformist position on the national question with an abandonment altogether of an armed confrontation with imperialism.

Yet there was a smaller element which maintained that both the national question and the social question were inextricably bound up, that both must go forward together i.e. the national liberation struggle in the six counties alongside the class struggle in all of Ireland. This element was personified primarily in Seamus Costello.

The events of 1969 in the six counties and the dropping of the abstentions policy of the Republican Movement resulted in a crisis emerging among the above elements, leading to the mainly traditionalists splitting to form the Provisional Republican Movement.

It is one of these events in history that while those who spilt were right as regards having to confront imperialism in the six counties, at the same time they lacked the ideological outlook and ability to expand the struggle, to mobilise the mass of Irish people in active support of the struggle.

Whilst on the other hand those who probably possessed the ability to do so were leading towards a reformist position and the denial of the struggle for national liberation altogether. This was the Official Republican Movement.

The position of part of those who stayed with the Officials - Costello etc was one in which they saw the best possible conditions existing for the developing of a revolutionary movement.

The events of 1969 resulted in an influx of new members into both the Officials and the Provisionals to fight British rule, and whilst the Provisionals engaged in a far greater role in this fight, the Officials were also very active. Basically the rank and file wanted to expand the struggle while coming up against a leadership resolved in stopping the struggle.

The introduction of internment in 1971 was a blessing in disguise for the leadership, as it allowed them to gradually wind down their involvement in the struggle, as many militants were interned, arm supplies began to dry up etc, but this did not go by without some opposition.

Earlier moves which may have led to a split in 1972 concerning Joe McCann and others who were aware of the leadership's intentions to call a cease-fire, and to which they were totally opposed. However this ended as McCann was shot dead by the Brits in April 1972, the Officials declared a cease-fire in May 1972. Costello in later years declared he should have split there and then instead of continuing to work inside the Officials to try to change it. He hated splits as they led to demoralisation, acrimony and possible feuds.

The Official Leadership refused to accept that a struggle against imperialism was in progress. Their line was that the struggle in the six counties divided the working class Protestants and Catholics and that they must first unite them before they could challenge imperialism. This was the false strategy which ignored the fundamental fact that partition, and all that it implied, divided the working class and that this must be removed to achieve the unity of the working class.

Throughout 1972-73 more militant policies were promoted in the Officials in relation to the national question, but the Leadership frustrated and refused to implement these. Instead, they launched a concerted campaign to isolate the main protagonists of this more revolutionary line which resulted in Seamus Costello being suspended in 1973. Here onwards the differences between Costello and the now openly reformist Leadership was out in the open.

Much discussion took place all over the country and inside the jails as well, on their respective positions, with the Leadership of the Officials trying to stifle debate, tainting people, issuing threats and finally expulsions, especially Costello at the 1974 Ard Fheis. The dismissal of Costello formalised what was already a fact -- "the parting of the ways" of a revolutionary and reformist strategy on the national question.

Costello was in the process of forming a new party when he was formally dismissed. Events now proceeded at a quickened pace over the remaining months of 1974. With revolutionary, republicans, socialist and trade unionist coming together, the IRSP was formed.

The same process took place at the Officials cage in Long Kesh as well, when it was announced in December 1974 that this new political party had been formed under the slogan, "FOR NATIONAL LIBERATION AND A SOCIALIST REPUBLIC". Its announcement resulted in widespread defections from the Officials all over the country, i.e. those who had been most active and politically conscious members.

The Leadership, in order to halt this and wipe out the IRSP, loosed armed attacks on IRSP members in Belfast in early 1975. After several months of feuding three members of the IRSP were dead and many others wounded.

The arms the Officials had starved and denied their own membership to confront imperialism had been delivered in plenty, in a counter revolutionary manner to be used against those who had formed a new movement, in order to confront imperialism.

This onslaught brought a halt to resignations from the Officials, it also frightened off many of those who would have joined the IRSP from outside the republican movement and overall it badly affected the growth of the party. At this point we must examine what made the IRSP different from both the Officials and the Provisionals.

OFFICIALS

On the national question! That it couldn't be resolved until the Protestant and the Catholic working class "united", that the six counties could be democratised, that a bill of rights was needed etc.

This position ruled out the national liberation struggle, it ignored the fundamentally sectarian nature of the six county states and how the Brits through this maintained their rule and influence over the entire country.

PROVISIONALS

At this time they still had a one-sided concentration on the national question, they were still controlled by the old traditional leadership which advocated a "federal solution" which Adams was later to refer to as "a sop to Loyalist" they concentrated on the military effort to the exclusion of revolutionary politics throughout Ireland. They maintained their abstention position. Costello criticised the Provisionals for their "elitist and conspiratorial approach" which was no substitute for the development of a peoples struggle.

IRSP

Most of the following are the direct words of Seamus Costello, upon outlining the programme for the IRSP.

We must make no secret of the fact that we are a revolutionary socialist party, prepared to give leadership on the streets as well as in the elected chambers, and that we are out for a socialist republic (or a revolutionary socialist state) part of that struggle for a socialist republic entails resolving the national liberation struggle and ending British imperialist intervention.

We stand for the unity of the anti-imperialist struggle and class struggle.

What are the vital social issues of the day? Along with the national question there exist many strands to the anti-imperialist struggle. To hold the national question above all others is to isolate oneself from the people and result in inevitable defeat.

We must involve ourselves and the masses in issues, which affect them: political agitation, propaganda etc should not be confined to the six counties.

ON ABSTENTIONISM

There is no parliamentary road to socialism, but elected members should use such chambers as a platform for the pursuit of our policies and for achieving publicity for them, but members elected to parliament etc would have to be active in politics outside parliament, i.e. extra parliamentary and agitationary politics on the streets.

We see both parliamentary institutions in Ireland as institutions that have to be abolished if we are to make progress towards establishing a socialist republic.

When we say we are not an abstention party, we mean we are not a Party, in principle, committed to abstention. But there are circumstances and conditions under which it might be desirable at any particular point in time to abstain from parliament, and if we felt it was tactically desirable then we would do so.

Ultimate Goal: To end imperialist rule in Ireland and establish a 32 County Democratic Socialist Republic with the working class in control of the means of production, distribution and exchange.

Broad Front: This advocates the maximum degree of Anti-imperialist unity. We recognise the absolute necessity of securing a constitutional solution to the present crisis, which will allow the Irish working class the freedom to pursue there interests as a class in the context of the development of normal class polities.

In our view, the first step in securing a constitutional solution, which meets this requirement, must be for Britain to concede the right of the Irish people to exercise total sovereignty over their own affairs.

This objective can only be achieved through the creation of a united struggle on the part of all Anti-imperialist Organisations. We would therefore support the formation of an Irish anti-imperialist front composed of delegates from affiliated organisations who support the agreed political programme of the front.

The primary objective of the front would be to mobilise the maximum degree of support for its declared objectives throughout Ireland. The front should clearly be seen as the LEADERSHIP OF A MASS MOVEMENT against all forms of imperialist control and interference in Ireland.

The front should have sufficient support and assistance from its affiliated organisations to enable it to open a head office with a full time staff. We propose the following political demands as the basis on which an Irish anti-imperialist front should organise:

1. That Britain must renounce all claims to sovereignty over any part of Ireland or its coastal waters.
   
   
2. That Britain must immediately disband and disarm the UDR, RUC and RUC Reserve and withdraw all troops from Ireland.
   
   
3. That the British and 26 County Governments must immediately release all political prisoners and grant a general amnesty for all offences arising from the current conflict.
   
   
4. That Britain must agree to compensate all that have suffered as a result of imperialist violence and exploitation in Ireland.
   
   
5. Recognising that no country can be free and independent while it permits imperialist domination of its economic life, the anti-imperialist front, will oppose all forms of imperialist control over wealth and resources.
   
   
6. The front rejects a federal solution and the continued existence of two separates in the 6 and 26 counties as a denial of the right of the Irish people to sovereignty and recognises that the only alternative as being the creation of a 32 democratic republic with a secular constitution.
   
   
7. That the front demands the convening of an all Ireland constitutional conference representative of all shades of political opinion in Ireland for the purpose of discussing a democratic and secular constitution would become effective immediately following a total British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.

These were the primary differences between the IRSP, Officials, and the Provisionals when Seamus Costello launched the party in December 1974.

After the onslaught by the Officials ended in mid 1975, the movement strove to structure and stabilises its organisation. By late 1975, the party was organised on an all-Ireland basis with approximately 800 members. It produced a quarterly internal bulletin, which promoted debate in matters of policy, strategy, and tactics within the party, and it also produced a monthly newspaper, "The Starry Plough".

Its main activity was to promote the concept of the broad front in support of the national liberation struggle while also campaigning on trade union issues, women's issues, unemployment etc.

On March the 12th 1977 it convened the first anti-imperialist conference at the Spa Hotel Lucan, though these talks at the conference broke down. We will examine the reasons later on.

FREE STATE ATTACK

April 1976 saw a concerted attack by the "FREE STATE" to smash the IRSP after a train robbery in Co Kildare, and over 40 members were arrested.

The so-called "HEAVY GANG" marked down 14 of these for in-depth interrogation. Nine were severely tortured and 6 were framed for the robbery. The IRSP offices were ransacked and files burnt and stolen.

The IRSP launched a campaign highlight the torture, frame ups, denials of legal rights and also initiated civil proceedings against thestate for damages. This resulted in civil liberty groups, trade unions in Ireland and abroad calling for an impartial public enquiry. It also resulted in bringing to Ireland for the first time "Amnesty International", whose findings reported evidence of Garda brutality, the HEAVY GANG by this time being internationally notorious.

It also found that the trial of those framed failed to scrutinise such allegations according to the principles of law, and called for an impartial enquiry.

The government and state, highly embarrassed by the whole episode, white washed the whole involvement of the Garda; it sentenced two members to 12 years imprisonment while another fled abroad.

The campaign to free those convicted again attracted national and international dimensions and both were freed on appeal in 1980. The appeal court gives no reason for freeing them.

Nicky Kelly came back to clear his name and likewise was imprisoned for 12 years. After another campaign and a hunger strike and widespread protest he was released also.

SIX COUNTIES

In the six counties and also other parts of these islands the movement actively confronted imperialism, many members being killed or wounded, with many more imprisoned.

At every stage of the struggle the movement was involved, from participating in the Relatives Action Committee, (RAC) in support of the restoration of political status for political prisoners in the six counties, to the formation of the National H-Block committee, and to the formation of the Relatives for Justice to campaign against the paid perjurer system.

Its members in jail, while escaping on two occasions in 1975 and 1976, also embarked on the blanket protest, and were involved in both major hunger strikes in 1980 and 1981 in which three of its members died.

All members of the movement who have been killed while confronting imperialism, who have been assassinated and who have died on hunger strike are all worthy equals, their loss equally regretted and mourned by us all.

All, not trying to draw a distinction between; it must be said that the assassination of Seamus Costello was a severe blow not only to the IRSP but also to the whole anti-imperialist struggle and the struggle for a socialist republic in Ireland.

The sheer stature of the revolutionary Seamus Costello is far too great for what can be expressed in feeble words, yet words are the only to express and convey this stature albeit in a feeble way.

In finishing this section we quote the following:

"Seamus was the greatest follower of my fathers teachings in this generation and I hope that his example shall be followed and that his vision for Ireland will be realised in this generation" -- Nora Connolly O'Brien.

"Seamus was the most sincere man I ever had the pleasure to know" -- Father Piaras O Duill.

"Without a doubt he was the greatest threat to the capitalist establishment since James Connolly" -- Sean Doyle.

"Seamus spoke for the IRSP and give a scintillating display of good humour, history, politics and hard facts. No one who listened to his three hours in the afternoon, and by unanimous demand, two hours repeat in the evening, now doubts that they will either have to shoot him or jail him or get out of his way, but they certainly won't stop him! Costello, the revolutionary, Marxist socialist whose ambition is a secular, pluralist united socialist republic won't go away until he gets it" -- Dr Noel Browne.

From 1964 - 1974 he held the positions of Adjutant General, Chief of staff and director of operations in the Official IRA and the positions of vice president of Official Sinn Fein.

From 1974 to his death on the 5th of October 1977 he held the position of Chief of staff and director of operations in INLA.

At the time of his assassination he was a member of the following bodies: Wicklow County Council, Co Wicklow Committee of Agriculture, General Council of Committees of Agriculture, Eastern Regional Development Committee, Bray Urban District Council, Bray branch of ITGWU, Bray and District Trade Union Council, of which he was president between 1976-1977, the Historical Society, and chairman of the IRSP.

As can be seen, he personified with himself what he ardently expounded and pursued throughout his life: the unity of the national liberation struggle and the class struggle and how they must go forward together.

Founder of the IRSP and the INLA Costello left no doubt, even when launching the broad front policy, where his allegiance, priority, and aims lay when he stated: "I OWE MY ALLEGIANCE ONLY TO THE WORKING CLASS" following in the expressed his position in the same words. This is the example he set for us to emulate.

Read the Rest of the TA Power Document on the IRSP web site here - http://irsm.org/history/tapowerdoc.html

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