Mini-Renaissance of the Memory of Lumumba
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Introduction
By Mukazo Vunda
The
following article was posted to me by a visitor to this site
with the subject: "What do you make of this?"
I
think that the article speaks for itself. It is a brilliant
piece of writing that, however, raises more questions, than
answers in its wake.
Rather
than delve into these beforehand, I would like to give free
reign to the reader's (your) imagination. At the end of the
writing, I give my comment in the article
titled "The Haunting Memory of Lumumba".
Mini-Renaissance
of the Memory of Lumumba
Business Day (Johannesburg)
OPINION
September 5, 2001
Posted to the web September 5, 2001
Johannesburg
If you wish to ascribe Africa's misery to colonialism, neocolonialism
and other -isms practised exclusively by wicked white men, you
will probably want to wave about the metaphorical bloody shirt
of the Democratic Republic of Congo's first, and only, democratically
elected prime minister.
Patrice Lumumba took office at independence in July 1960, to
be deposed and detained by Colonel Laurent-Desire Mobutu in
September. Lest he mount a comeback, he was handed over to the
separatist Katangan president, Moise Tshombe, the following
January, tortured, shot and finally, by a thorough pair of Belgian
policemen, saponified with acid.
His memory is enjoying a minirenaissance quite coincidental
to, but surely reinforced by, the latest international event
in Durban. There is a film, Lumumba, in general release, and
a new book, The Assassination of Lumumba, by a Dutch writer,
Ludo de Witte.
The movie has caused a ripple in Washington. That is because
it has a then-young American diplomat named Frank Carlucci sitting
in on a Mobutu-chaired meeting in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa)
at which Lumumba is sentenced to death.
Each participant is polled, including, lastly, the Carlucci
character, who declines to cast a vote on the grounds that the
US does not interfere in the affairs of sovereign states. This
line, a turgid stab at irony by the sreenwriter, always gets
a titter from audiences at the sort of art house where the movie
plays.
The real Carlucci is today a Washington eminence, having gone
on from his stint as second secretary at the US embassy in Leopoldville,
to top positions throughout the federal government, including
under-secretary of health and deputy budget director, national
security adviser and secretary of defence.
Contrary to myth, he was not with the CIA in Leopoldville, though
he did later serve as the agency's deputy director. He is now
a partner in the Carlyle Group, the prodigiously successful
Washington-based merchant bank, and on a slew of Fortune 500
boards. His portrayal in the film, Carlucci says, is libellous;
he might even sue if he could prove Haitian-born director Raoul
Peck inserted him in the Mobutu meeting, itself a fiction, with
malicious disregard for the truth (that being the threshhold
that libel plaintiffs who are "public figures" must
attain in US courts).
The record is clear that President Dwight Eisenhower, fearing
Congo would become a Soviet colony, instructed his CIA chief,
Allen Dulles, to do something about Lumumba, for whose removal
a vial of toxin was prepared and delivered to the agency's station
officer, Larry Devlin.
Devlin behaved bravely and honourably: he turned a blind eye
on his orders, orders Carlucci also considers to have been wicked
and ultimately most poisonous to the CIA.
Carlucci does not feature in De Witte's book; Devlin only fleetingly.
In fact, Washington plays little part.
De Witte's research has prompted a Belgian parliamentary committee
to revisit the affair. He documents, meticulously, how the Belgian
establishment meant to retain post-independence control of Congo,
or at least the valuable bits like Katanga, via complaisant
puppets beholden to expatriate muscle and advice; then had Lumumba
killed when he threatened those arrangements.
It is, as most of Congo's history has been from the time it
became the personal property of the Belgian royal house, a revolting
tale, and Brussels' culpability is in no way diminished by the
fact the hands of the Lumumbists were never spotless either.
Sadly, both De Witte and Peck are so engrossed with the death
of Lumumba that they tend to gloss over such questions as: what,
specifically, was his programme? How did he propose to carry
it out? Did he, beyond his charismatic oratory, have the political
talents, or the homegrown legions, to forge a nation out of
Africa's vast, etiolated midriff?
Peck's Lumumba, played brilliantly by Eriq Ebouaney, only seems
masterful when delivering the famous independence day speech
which put Belgium's grossly condescending and racist King Baudouin
in his place. The rest of the time, his leadership style is
strangely reactive.
De Witte writes that not only was Lumumba "physically eliminated",
but his killers were determined that "his life and work
were not to become a source of inspiration for the peoples of
Africa, either."
If that was the wish of the assassins, the author does little
to thwart it 40 years later. His Lumumba, except as a martyr,
is not particularly inspiring.
To the contrary. Lumumba, the committed De Witte suggests approvingly,
was an African Robespierre whose "Jacobinism his absolute
determination to achieve political power met the demands of
the anticolonial revolution in the Congo in 1960". Now
there's a thought that deserves more elaboration than the author
gives it.
All can agree that what, stripped to the essentials, Lumumba
stood for was a unified Congo run by and for the Congolese.
The realisation of that ambition, and the creation of such a
nation, De Witte seems to be saying, cried out for Jacobinism.
Does that mean the tragedy of Congo was that Lumumba was cut
down before he was able to administer the terror, totalitarianism
and tumbrels required for its Fanonesque liberation?
If so, one has to wonder whether Congo really would have been
a happier place had Lumumba been rescued and restored to power
before delivery to the tenderness of Tshombe and his Hercule
Poirots.
The
Haunting Memory of Lumumba
I
think that it is appropriate to engage in educated speculations,
even posthumously, of an assassinated leader's political agenda,
and make conjectures about how he would have gone about actualizing
his aims, how the land and its people could have fared under
his program, even if this speculation remedies nothing, but
I find it a little far fetched to go to great lengths trying
to prove that the man was more a charlatan than a blessing for
his own people, had he lived on.
Attempting
to say this is nearly stating that the loss of the man was a
desirable occurrence. There is, behind this, a more sinister
message that has been repeated time and again by opponents of
African freedom and development. This implicit message is that
Africans have no hope of ever producing competent leadership
from within their own blood groups. They just do not have it
in their genes, the voice behind, in the shadows, always seems
to be saying.
A
case of African historicity.
This
kind of assertion is right up there with supporters of the banana
republic setup who claim that, if not for the providence of
the colonial hand, Africans could have fought themselves to
extinction, tribe for tribe, clan for clan. They claim that
Africa will surely be visited by this spectre if the inheritance
is dismantled.
The
fact that this spectre has visited us, in its worst form, within
the setup, doesn't make our obdurate friends reexamine their
conviction.
Fooled
for life.
It
is possible to fool some people sometimes, but it is impossible
to fool all the people all the time.
There
is so much knowledge about Africa's history that it strikes
me as strange that people, in light of all this knowledge that
proves the contrary, will still want to impose these modes of
thought on the people of this continent. It is now common knowledge
that prosperous, pluralistic empires flourished on this continent
long before the north ever knew of the term pluralism. In these
empires, people of different political beliefs, denominations,
and tribes lived side by side in peace and harmony, ruled obviously
by competent, wise, intelligent men and yes, women too. These
Empires are known to have existed for longer than the period
that the west has dominated this planet.
Besides,
if Africans were really tribal barbarians from the "get
go", why is there still such a large diversity of ethnic
groups, of genetic types on this continent to date, the greatest
diversity the world over, after all these thousands of years
of opportunities at genocide? If anything, the place scientists
claim is the place where all of mankind originated seems to
be more tolerant of tribal diversity than any other place on
earth. We can blame these other places of having engaged in
genocide in the not too distant past. Why is such a vast land
like China, or Europe, only full of people with common genetic
strains. How is it that the particular strains have been the
sole survivor in these climes. Surely not for the reasons that
scientists propose.
Present
Rwanda is a case that proves the rule. Tribe is a human condition.
A "modern" western national entity works for the west,
or the east for that matter, because each nation is in fact
a single tribe, or a number of tribes properly decentralized
to avoid conflicts. The majority group who comprise a single
tribe, who, in some of these countries, are officially called
the autochthonous, extend their imprimatur to the minority groups
of immigrants, who do not form a tribal whole, which is also
autochthonous, as is the case in almost all African countries.
Do not be fooled by the fact that Europe is uniting. The unification
of Europe is a unity of economic and international political
policy, which leaves the arrangement of autochthonous to allochthonous
intact.
This
arrangement is also not fool proof. As has been noticed in recent
developments, when push comes to shove, the minorities will
bear the brunt of the autochthonous.
In Africa, the continent of genetic diversity, it is no surprise
then that genocide is always lurking around the corner. The
need to remove from the face of this expansive, roomy planet,
those who are unlike one's race seems to have curiously become
an integral part of our existence. The Rwanda tragedy, a novel
occurrence on this part of the planet, was only possible because
of the geographical divisions that the colonial masters left,
and still callously give international legitimacy to. The Rwanda
genocide is actually a western creation.
A
shackle on good sense? Who's good sense is shackled, and who's
good sense is doing the shackling?
Crooked
ways.
An
observation: war, conquest, subjugation and colonialism are
not phenomena restricted to our times. In the not too distant
past, the likes of the Moors or the Romans, traversed the world
and did the same. They, however, brought new things to all those
they touched. They brought a richer cultural heritage: they
gave names to men without any, and made possible the cooperation
that builds gigantic structures (imagine how northern people
could have managed to create, when they could only refer to
each other by appearances or qualities). They also brought technology.
Though it is indisputable that the Napoleonic spirit motivated
the west in their conquest of the world, the west seems to have
acquired in full only this aspect of Roman culture: the worst
aspect. The worst aspect when, and only when it is divorced
from all else that ameliorates its beastly extremes.
In
their dealings with third world people, the west, unlike the
Romans, refused to share, but took, and down-pressed, and are
still taking, and destroyed anything that could possibly make
the concerned group an equal competitor. They left polio ridden
natives, poverty, genocide, pain, misery and underdevelopment.
The only groups on this planet that were spared these ravages
were those who could stand up to western armies and keep them
at bay.
With
this in mind, it would be perfectly sane to conclude that Africa
would have developed rather rapidly if the west had not been
so heavy handed in their dealings with defeated peoples. Knowledge
and technology would have been gained and incorporated into
the existing economic and social structures. In fact, today,
both sides would have been much the better, richer, wiser.
It
is possible to envisage a modern descendant of a thatched hut
renovated to fit modern technologies; with lighting, gas and
sanitation facilities installed, with televisions and computers
on board, and a mode of transportation parked outside. It is
possible to envisage African cities with an African look to
them, or a combination of all influences, African systems of
rule with borrowed aspects, with healthy, radiant black people
all around, if the natural process of acculturation had been
given free reign.
The
fate of Africa was sown when technical innovations by Africans,
for example gun smiths, in reaction to contact with the west,
were sought out and thwarted. Prudent and wise Kings, and chiefs
who sought to replace the slave trade with direct trade in the
very same commodities the slave trade produced, were systematically
attacked and removed. The list of attacks on innovative, competitive
ideas originating from black minds, acts which are today coined
"Unfair Competitive Practices", and are punishable
by law, go on and on, and continue, unfortunately, into the
present in the form of global apartheid against, and only against
people of the third world.
Facts
of history.
The
result of this vanity is this world we live in today, a world
made by people who, not surprisingly, are not only destructive
to like beings, but to their own environment as well. Witness
a planet about to cough up blood. "And please do not make
my stomach turn talking about migrating to mars in case the
earth becomes uninhabitable. You mean you know that you cannot
control yourself in the present and have made plans to go somewhere
else, taking the self you cannot control with you?"
It's
there for all to see.
Frictions
between tribes, and genocide, will persist in Africa as long
as Africans continue to live in setups that ignore the fact
that "tribe" is a human condition, and so too will
the freedom fighter. More ghastly episodes of Lumumbas will
visit us, time and time again, until we change the setup.
Though
the letter above does no such thing, the dirtying of Lumumba's
memory, and of all who have fallen fighting a like evil, follows
usual patterns, and, obviously, comes from the same circles
of those who are either working in the same organizations that
do the dirty work of elimination, and are feeling guilty that
their plan of action backfired, or are part of those whose economic
monopoly is maintained by such means. The assassination of Lumumba
has backfired on these people. They didn't realize that it would
be so difficult to really wipe his memory from the face of this
planet. Rather than accept this fact, they are back for a second
elimination, wanting to do the job properly this time.
Are
they, by asserting that he could have turned out worse than
Africans have so far imagined, trying to convince us that he
was useless for us, that we should not honour, nor mourn his
passing. This is an obvious attempt to destroy the martyr status
that the man has slowly, and increasingly, acquired over the
years.
We
need to remind all those who think like this that we will keep
honouring and mourning the man, and others like him, and are
unconcerned whether we would have fared better or worse with
them around, which may be true in some instances. The issue
of whether they would have turned out good leaders or not is
impertinent to the matter of their untimely death, and the fact
that they died for us. This manner of thought can simply turn
our attention inwards to ourselves, and try as our foes may,
they will not make us look the wrong way again. The fact is
that we know the true nature of the Lumumbas, and do not appreciate
a world in which such a gifted, evidently peaceful, and caring
spirit is extinguished for, what? an auto firm? a whore house?
an oil firm? vanity? men who cannot take care of themselves
and need others to clean up their behind?
Africans
detest a past and present of interference from external, vain
powers. In this setup, Africans know that it is impossible to
determine their own destiny. Every seed they plant is killed
before it grows.
We
admire the Lumumbas for simply having been there in the heat
of battle, for not having hesitated to fight, and die for us,
and even though it is tragic, we know by this sacrifice what
they meant to us, we also know by their murder what they meant
to the enemy. They may not have been bright, they may not have
been strong, they may not have been aware of the costs, but
the act of murder makes us aware that they made the enemy uncomfortable.
Men like Lumumba give us hope for the future, because, despite
all attempts to make us lose faith in ourselves, to place the
blame for our misery on our lesser capacities, we know there
are those on our side whom the enemy fears.
It
becomes apparent to us that the Lumumbas represent the best
in us, and in honouring and mourning them, we honour and lament
the loss of the best in ourselves.
Murders
like this show us that the battles of this world are fought
for the elimination of seeing eyes, of intelligence, and we
are made aware time and again that we have a lot of this in
our ranks. In fact, we have so much of it that we have to be
beaten to a pulp, and kept like this, half dead (our communities
flooded with heroin or arsenic, or simply kept adversely poor
or sick), for our enemy to take advantage of us.
Our
fight is as such a fight between light and darkness. On the
one side are those who want to keep the veil, not only on the
faces of their victims, but, by vice of the particular stupidity,
on themselves as well, going to amazing lengths to avoid the
truthful mirror; to keep our bodies weak and unable to act,
to make true the man's last cries: "the spirit is willing,
but the body is weak", by engulfing our every waking day
with hardships - the devils - and on the other side we stand,
the side of those who want to let the sun shine in.
Yes!
We will honour and mourn the Lumumbas for as long as it takes.
They are our prophets, our heroes, our manhood. We know, and
will make sure that they didn't, and do not die in vain.
We
are not stupid. We know why Pharaoh killed the first born sons
of the Jews.
Here,
I should not forget to commend and thank all those who have
gone to great lengths looking behind the scenes, uncovering
evidence about such episodes, revealing to us the means employed,
the motivations and agendas of the evil men who step over themselves
straining to remove the likes of the Lumumbas from the "world"
political scene. We catch them in the act, as it were. This
goes a long way in helping the victims see, be vigilant, and
protect themselves from such vain, but powerful foes.
Mukazo Vunda.
Read
more revelations on the Lumumba episode here!