Traditional social organization, land tenure and natural resource management system, motivational effects of land distribution, measurement tools in the wesh system, distribution of forest, BANDO, and agriculture land, irrigation system
By Razwal Kohistani
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The Jirga Jirga is a Persian word. It means a gathering, a public, a "Punchaiat" or a consultation. To Marree, Baloch, Pukhtoon, Tajak, Hazara and Shin tribes, the literal meaning of Jirga is one such traditional institute which seeks solutions to their economical, social, cultural, regional and defense problems under their social and cultural system by integrated consultation and collective participation such as arrangement of regional defense; issuance of traditional laws; check and balance; distribution, arrangement and utilization of resources and distribution of labour; etc.
In tribal community, the traditional structure and organizational methods and delegation of power are generally based on lineages and economical, cultural, linguistic, religious, environmental and geographical conditions. These elements play an important role in strengthening the structure of the Jirga system on the basis of group interdependence.
The expanded universal meaning of Jirga should be taken as the social and political organization of a tribe or nation. In the past Jirga was in a very simple form where no one was superior than another one. But during the slavery period a breakage or a change in the organizational elements of Jirga occurred whereby the concept of the "lord and slave" came into being.
The Perspective of the Shin Jirga No deep or profound study on the Shin tribes of Kohistan and the structure and organizational elements of their folk institute has come on the surface as yet. However, with reference to Chilas, Oliver has written referring to Biddulph about the Jirga and a traditional assembly of Chilas called Sagas: Every village elects their "jashtero" based on their bravery, speaking power and broad-mindedness and is free internally. Its own parliament is called Sagas whose doors are open to all and any body can take part in the debates. The parliament of each village sends only one "Jashtero' to the federal Sagas and it is also open to every body. When people get their heat poured out, a loud whistle is blown after which only a "Jashtero" can speak. A surfacely description about the traditional organization or assembly in these regions is found from this statement but the fundamental organizational elements and their duties do not become known. Dr. Jettmar has written that the duties and role of a "Jashtero" and "Zetu" were same. However these are two different positions and not substitute to each other.
Sigas or Jirga does not refer to a state government. But it refers to the assembly or institute of people which takes a form by the people of one valley or land by group unity. Every area has its own local Sagas or Jirga Council and many areas establish a Jirga of a larger area or unity of a Sagas. In ancient times, there used to be a common Jirga Council of Chilas, Darel, Tangir, Harban, Jalkot, Palas and Kolai, rather even up Astor as narrated by the elders of the Darma tribe in Palas. The stability of an area's Jirga Council is established on the local and economical bases in which different racial groups or tribes go on organizing.
Research has proved that in such Sagas or Jirga organization, the Shins, Yashkuns and Kamins all three were found organized. It also refutes the notion of being any inferiority or superiority among them because all three of them are organized under the system of land distribution and hold equal rights in it. It has been the same way in land distributions with the tribal Pukhtoons and Marri Baloch tribes.
Shins entered in the sub-continent vial Khyber from Central Asia during 1000-200 B.C. Their first settlements were upward from Darband in Pakhli, Siran valley, Alai, Kohistan and Chilas. They were organized in tribes and groups and they had their own social system.. In the beginning, they settled from Darband, Pakhli and Siran valley upto Chilas and then they advanced. They invaded the Yashkun and Kamins in these areas and setup the traditional system of Jirga and Sagas. Their second migration probably began during 700 A.D. During those days, Pakhli was under severe attacks from the surrounding areas and probably it continued until after Temur (1398 A.D). It has to be mentioned here that during this period some Shin reached Kohistan Ganga from Pakhli and Siran valley via Muzaffarabad and some of them went there via Astor. These people might have been migrating via Kohistan and Muzaffarabad from time to time until the settlement of "Turk Qarlaks". It may be considered here that currently those tribes who live in Kohistan, Ganga, Gurez. Dras, Ladakh, Skardu, Astor, Gilgit, Haramosh and Gor, do not have Shin Jirga in its traditional form with them because the creation of administrative positions after 500 or 700 A.D, one federal system replaced their multi-centeral group system tribal system is giving a way to one man power locally. Such names exist in Shina folk songs who have gone to borrow like dictators. (Raj Tarangni, edition 2)
It becomes known from reading the events of Dard (Shin) attacks on Kashmir that by that time i.e. during 1000 B.C, the Sardar and dictatorship traditions had become the common practice among the Shins and they would attack Kashmir under the supervision of Raja or Sardar. On the other hand, Agori Tham and later on Shari Bidat ruled. This routine began probably after the fall of the Huns . After 1200 A.D Yashkuns took over the rule from Shins. According to Dr. Jettmar, As per the old remnants in Northern Pakistan, the names of the local rulers are found after 500-600. It probably began after the fall of Hun tribes in the North and local influential group founded Raja system or dictatorship. Hence about the area between Northern Areas and Gurez, it may be said that Shins maintained local states for 700 years. The matter is that there was no concept of Rajgi (becoming a Raja) or dictatorship in the old traditional system. This system was borrowed later on. Upto Chilas, Darel, Tangir and Kohistan where the Shins were in majority, and the old traditional system of the Shin and its structure was intact, there the Rajgi system could not find a way and wherever the Jirga system and its organizational structure were weak, Rajgi system were established. Mohammad Yahya Shah writes in his book "Danil Tehzibo Tamaddun" that The thinking of the Shins and their feelings have been different than the Broshes. The Shins always have been having a Council of Elders. These people call Rajaki Sang to Rajgi system and Poroki to Chitral. So it is the identity of the Shin that there is no Rajgi system there. So the famous saying of the Shins which is commonly known, is "Poraki na boshta, Rajaki na boshta, Shinaki boshta", there must not be a Rajgi system, nor any Piri Muridi (one man being a spiritual leader making disciples from among the people. He guides them in memorization of God and His worship and much more. He supposedly takes responsibility of their solvation on the Dooms Day). Let there be Shinaki. In other words, let there be Sang Council of Elders system. Shins never produced any dictator among themselves. Rather they have killed the forcefully imposed Raja on them whenever they had a chance for it.
About the old social system of these areas, Sheraz Kashmiri has written in his book "Kashmiri Qaum and Qomiyyaten", P229 that if the ancient history of this area is studied deeply, this fact comes forth that those people neither had any force, nor any police nor any tribal "Sardar" (head). All the people belonged to various lineages and castes. The concept of ownership was very simple.Yuri Gangovesky has written in his book about the Shin tribes' Jirga system while discussing about the Dard tribes, that a few minor factions (racial groups) whose dialects originate from Dard languages, live in Pakistan's northern parts. Many remnants of Jirga exist in their customs and social life.
Due to wars and looting, the powers and strength of the heads of wars and other key persons increased. On a community which was free of ruling and being ruled, the economic and social changes began to hurl. It is a settled matter that where a state or individual rule is established, there multi-group or central system either suspends or collapses because both the systems are contradictions to each other. In the system which the traditional Shins held, there was no need of any Raja or a ruler because by nature they do not afford one to be superior than them nor would they allow it. Karl Jettmar writes that:
Shin tribes or the other similar tribes, who have multi-group system of politics, the centralization of power or its absence or not needing it, can be more clear by this statement that:
Their social system is egalitarian and classless. No one group or local community is subordinate or superior to any other. Usually life among people with multicentric political system is such that there is no need for the permanent centralization of authority even if it were materially and structurally possible to achieve and sustain. (Hemmond 1971, P282)
Hemmond has mentioned two important reasons that those who hold this kind of system, either their technical and economic system is unproductive and undeveloped or their economic system is well organized that it is impossible to accumulate wealth or dictatorship among them.
In the past, the Jirga system of Shin tribes was stretched on a large area. Different "Roms" were mutually alloyed.
According to the local traditions, up till 1000 A.D, from Kolai to Astor all the clans were mutually alloyed. When and why did this alliance break, there is not much known about it. But possibly it was due to the strengthening of the individual rule or the Rajgi system in the North and the increasing external attacks and invasions.
In 1500 A.D, when disputes over Wesh created with the tribes of Kolai, they were expelled from the Jirga Council. This way, Khuka Manka became weak by splitting and Darma benefitted from it who had already distributed the strong Chilis of Jalkot into the various sub-tribes of Shin in Kolai and Jalkot during the Wesh.
The effects of the breaking away of Kolai and their reactions to the tribes of Palas remained for two three centuries. There have been great confrontations. Taking advantage of this situation, the Swatis of Alai invaded Palas valley for several times with the help of Gujars and others but they did not succeed (Their attack on Sherakot is on the top list.).
The regional boundaries between Northern Areas (called Shinaki), the current Jalkot and Palas were lain by the famous expert of Wesh of Darma tribe, Khawas Kham, during mid-1700 A.D. The reason for it was the fast changing political and administrative situations whereby there was a risk for the tribal system, alliance and sovereignty of Kohistan. By these regional boundaries, many potential traditional and regional disputes, attacks and fights were reverted. These boundaries were lain at the following three places:
In the beginning of 1800th century, the alliance between Jalkot and Palas also began to become fragile and when individualism began to surface in these areas, these tribes finished their sharing of the mutual resources on the basis of two "Roms". Here from 1500 to 1800, there used to be one Jirga body established on the basis of cohesion between two "Roms" while before it, as told earlier, Kolai group and Jirga was separated from it. In other words, in the past, the evolution of Jirga organization began to shift from the alliance of bigger territories to smaller territories i.e. first from Kolai to Astor, then from Kolai to Gor and Chilas, then upto 1500 A.D from Kolai to Jalkot and finally between Jalkot and Palas. Now these tribes are found organized in groups within their own "Roms". But their tribal contacts are reducing out of their "Roms". The reason is the reduction in group interdependence.
The comparison of the structure of the Jirga organizations in Kolai, Palas and Jalkot is also worth considering. It can help understand the change and evolution of the traditional organizational structure during the last four five hundred years. The sub-tribes of Khuka and Manka wherein during 1500 A.D each one contained two clans (tabin) KorTa, CharkhaRe, LaghRa and KhoTa, the tribes in Kolai did not maintain those references after their separation but realigned their tribes and established one to three proportion with regard to the regional defense and economy which still prevails in Kolai.
As for as the number of "Zetus" (explanation follows) are concerned in each "Rom"., a uniformity was maintained in it. There were 24 Zetus in both places and in Kolai this tradition still remains.
Membership Any local "Ulsia" Kamin, Yashkun, Shin or Chilis who lives anywhere in these valleys or his caste keeps property given in Wesh by including him for a bigger share (bago) or a smaller share (Tago), can become a permanent and formal member of the Shin Jirga Organization. Besides these no one of "Faqir" (alien) or "Ulsia" (bonafied resident) such as Syed or Pathan who might have lived in these valleys for many centuries or he might be holding any social or religious position, can neither become a member of the Shin Jirga nor can he influence its decisions. The membership of the Jirga is conditional to the rights of Wesh which can not be suspended or terminated for likes or dislikes of any person. Membership is a permanent inherited right. No unconcerned body can use the name of any clan as a reference of his lineage. The beginning of membership starts from home or household. Step by step his is acknowledged as a member of the small and big Jirgas taking place within his tribe and local economic circles. The Jirga and circles provide an identity to the member.
Traditional Institutions Shin Jirga in Kohistan holds a multi-group system in its structure and traditional administrative setup. Basically power to make important decisions lies with the clans. In Kolai, Palas and Jalkot, the current and old all traditional organizations come into being with the support of their opponents in their circles. Such Jirgas could be called local and lineage groups. I like more to call them organizational circles because due to their nature, such Jirgas are found organized only in small and large Jirga circles. Every member is aware of its small and large organizational circle which is his identity also.
Any organization or folk institute found on a larger basis, is established fundamentally on local basis and on availability of resources. Various major castes such as Shin, Yashkun and Kamin and their group tribes, clans and households or found organized within the Jirga or organizational circles.
Organizational alignment of Shin tribes is based on segmentary system. Lineage identification is based on paternal relationship. All the Shins who are found from Kolai to Northern Pakistan and upto Jammu and Ladakh, acknowledge to be Shin as their lineage. They think that they all belong to the same blood. Now they are organized in the form of separate tribes and groups. That is why mostly regional and lineage identification is sought from the tribal or clan branches. The Yashkuns and Kamin who are although accommodated in their organizational circles but for their identification there refer to their own branch. The lineage is expressed and identified by various tree branches and chains which reflects the existence of an organized and integrated system.
Organizational setup of Shin tribes of Palas Valley, Indus Kohistan. (Razwal, 1998)
The smallest unit of a Shin organization or folk institute is home or household. To the extent of Khel (i.e. lineage which is now called caste by these people) all people are blood related. From ten to twelve generations make one Khel. Organizationally upto this extent, the people physically or financially help each other much more and they stay united for their external enemy.
Any household or family is linked more or less to ten chains or clusters within his organizational circles from home to the establishment of a larger group which are references to his identity. On every level the organizational circles are autonomous in running their matters. The reason for it is that the functions, the nature and the role of it is clearly mentioned on every level. Traditionally no trespass is done which is the virtue of the tradition. In order to mention it more easily, we will move the matter ahead from these same circles because these people remain organized only in these circles, rings and clusters.
The people organized in a Khel belong to the same blood and close generations. If we take a look at it with reference to the population, from two hundred to one thousand individuals are found in it. It is a large reference to a close lineage attachment for identification. In simple words it may be called lineage also. It is called caste (zat) in Kohistan and "Tabar" ( family, household) in Darel, Thor and Harban. Up from it is found the Jirga of "Tabin" (clan) wherein are included zats (castes). Their number has been found from seven to ten. The individuals of such clans or castes are largely found at different places of the valleys. Clans have a right to veto within their "Rom". It is not possible to implement a decision in the common affairs without their consensus.
The clans keep associated with the lower or larger tribes than themselves which are two levels up from them. But if their is any risk to the interests of the clan, it uses its right to veto. From defense point of view, sometimes a clan is called "si:N" (crowd) also which means queue or army. Groupings or opposition is maintained within the clan also so that the alliance, criticism, accountability, local defense and the management of resources could be dynamically dealt with or controlled.
If seen from the perspective of the regional defense, their council which is established during tough conditions, that also is established relying on a clan and a "zetu" is chosen from this same council. There is one more term called "Tal" in between a caste and a clan. The level or Jirga upper than clan is called "Qam". In Palas, Jalkot and Kolai, its number is four in each place. Nowadays, these tribes in Kolai, Palas and Jalkot, are separately organized in local circles but in the past they all were organized in one circle. In Palas at upper level from these sub-tribes, one larger organization is found which these people call "Qom". It is two in number: one is Darma and the other Khuka Manka. Both are Shins. It will not be out of place to say here that the other branches and tribes of Darma are found Northern Areas in Phulwai and Kel in Neelam valley and in Gurez valley which is also called Gure:N.
The groups, tribes and the organizational alignment and scope of work of their lower branches are stated separately so that their nature could be understood.
Mass Meeting (Kule Jirga) It means the Jirga or Council of all the people in the valley. It is locally held by the economical collusion of the groups of Darma and Khuka Manka. This Jirga holds the highest power and collective action is taken on its decisions. This Jirga is generally called to manage the local common resources or to settle matters with the government. It is not easy to hold this Jirga because due to the internal rifts between the tribes, there is no guarantee of the majority opinion. In May 1996, the Government had called a Jirga on the subject of Chor Dam was a failure due to opposition by two groups. However, during economical risks and at the time of local interests it becomes possible to hold one soon because this Jirga has the authority to deal with the important matters such as the local defense, utilization and distribution of collective resources and disputes. Since this Jirga takes places on the basis of the local and economical unity of two groups and since each group has further two sub-groups in each and then four clans in each sub group, therefore it is tough and problematic to reach a decision towards regional matters. The clans or tribes use their right of veto in case of any disagreement. No one has a right to use power in case of disagreement to a decision in the public Jirga. Therefore, in case of any disagreement by a clan, the decision remains ineffective and it is not possible to implement it. Its holding and decision making can be effective only if all clans participate in it. Otherwise check and balance cannot be possible. For the sake of implementation on decisions and check and balance, the Jirgas of higher level appoint "Zetus" who are responsible for action on collective decisions. For instance, during the battles over the disputes on pastures of Chor, Sipat and Ghanja and the forests in Bulja in Kolai, the "Zetus" played an important role keeping the traditional local defensive system strong. Or when in 1996, the Darma of upper Palas under the supervision of their "Zetus" kept 28 workers of Chor Dam for one month against the Government steps and later on released them under an agreement. Zetu's words said in a Jirga, are considered the final words and those who do not act on it, are charged with a fine (naga).
The diagram is in round figure with the Jirga Council written innermost, then Qom in the next circle around it followed by another bigger circle with the names of Ta:bin under their respective clan and finally the digits in still another circle showing the number of castes in each clan.
The Jirgas of this level helped the people of Chilas in 1853 against the British. In 1857 A.D, they alloyed with Syeds and Chajars and killed the rebellious Indian Regiment 55 when they were escaping to Kashmir. In 1868 A.D, 1900 A.D and 1967 A.D in Chor and around 1830 A.D in Sherakot against Swatis, in 1900 A.D in Sipat against the people of Thor and Harban, in 1926 A.D in Lehpar against Wali of Swat, in 1996 A.D and once before it, they fought against Swatis at the place of Bulja. At all these places, where heavy battles were fought, the Zetu:s played a large role. Besides these at numerous other occasions whose description will be out of place here, Zeu:s carried out big jobs. This Jirga takes care of the matters within and outside the valleys. Moreover, it formulates traditional law and rules about utilization of resources, their management and distribution.
Jirga of Qom and Qa:m These Jirgas have assigned powers and resources. For instance, in lower Palas the Khuka Manka and Darma two opposing tribes are found. But in upper Palas only Darma group has the traditional right of decision making regarding the matters of Daro and the internal distribution and utilization of resources. Similarly, the tribes of Kolai and Jalkot can settle the matters coming under the jurisdiction of their "Rom". This Jirga has the backing and support of the participating group tribes, sub-tribes, clans and castes with whose consensus and participation this Jirga is formed. At some places, the forests and "bandos" are commonly owned by such Jirgas. Wherever they are, there is a grudge among them.
Jirga of a Clan (Tabin) In Kolai, Palas and Jalkot, several clans exist. The castes constituting the Tabins, form this Jirga on the local, economical and lineage bases. Although, a Clan's Jirga is lower by two or three levels than a Public Jirga (Kule Jirga), but it has more powers because in multi-group central system, they have veto power. In it a few Yashkun and Kamin castes are also included. Economically they are identified with the Shin clans while their lineage remains Yashkun and Kamin. This practice is found all the way from Kolai to Gor. Every clan is autonomous in its matters. From economic point of view, the distributed forests, land under "bandos" and the common land under trees, land of "Ser" and water mills, etc. are owned by them.
Defensively this Jirga is responsible to ensure the entrusted defense or provided warriors to its upper groups and tribes at the time of need and settle its matters with the opposition.
The castes or "khels" included in the clans are more. Therefore these people are stretched from one valley to another but their economic dependence stays with just one "Rom" where they can benefit from. For example the people of Hakima and Shwa:NTa castes, who belongto Jalkot, are organized there under the organizational circle and those who live in Palas, are entitled to the rights of Wesh in Palas.
Since there are seven to ten castes found in a clan, therefore for the sake of opposition representation or establishment, two sub-groups are setup within the clan. They are generally called "Tal". These groups are formed to make the distribution of resources easier, maintain a balance among them and keep the members organized and dynamic. The members of clans are loyal to their clans and the clans defend their members even if they are opponents.
Caste (Khel) Meeting In the past these people would use the term of caste to reflect genealogy of Shin, Yashkun and Kamin. Nowadays, this word is used for lineages. People use the word of caste with each other and in the office they add antecedents of "Khel" to their castes. All the men and women in it organize on the basis of being the offspring of the same great grandfather and blood kins. Most of the marriages take place within the same caste. Their blood and interests are same. So they help each other in enmities and disputes. In it also there are the lower groups which are called "Tal" and "Miras". "Miras" is formed by households. In other words, with the Shin tribes, the process of setting up the institute of Jirga goes from down to upward, where the lower circle or household and the upper circle is of the Jirga restricted to the level of the valley. We can say that the elements that make a traditional Shin organization, are racial (nasbi), economical, regional, social and cultural, linguistic and religious that keep them united and moving.
The people of the same caste help each other in case of enmity. But now this trend is going down because the external pressure is decreasing on the castes and tribes reducing their interdependence. The impact of it is that the internal rifts are increasing. So among 70% of castes, large or small disputes are appearing due to which they are avoiding to provide armed help to each other. The penetration of the government system is also one reason for it.
As for as individual matters or conflicts are concerned, these are generally resolved in Conciliation Jirgas (meetings). In my opinion for the same of distinction between organizational and conciliatory Jirgas, we can call them formal and informal Jirgas because in formal meetings only the formal member can sit while in the informal meetings, internal and external individuals or the reconciliating members all can participate. In other words, The formal Jirgas formulate rules and laws for distribution of resources and utilization, management of defense, check and balance, irrigational channels, "qalang" and the matters of common interests;
The informal Jirgas play their role in resolving of individual conflicts, matters of marriages, compensation for murder or the matters of avenges (qasas), quarrels, betrothals and construction of tracks and bridges. The precedents of these proceedings take the form of traditional laws for the community.
Zetu, Kalak or Jashtero No hereditary post exists in the Jirga system or in the process of the Awami Counci (Mass Council) that might reflect of an individual rule or a "Sardarism". Their organization holds the organizational structure in the pattern of a Multi-centre Authority System. The matter relating to the structure of the tribes or the issues are resolved on the basis of the mutual consultations by the integrated multi-groups. It becomes known from their administrative and defensive approaches and from studying and obsering of their organization's scope of duties that in order to cope with such tasks they have a traditional post of the Zetu who keeps them united and dynamic during the tough times of defending the land. He is responsible for planning against external dangers and for defensive matters by mutual consultations. The role of a Zetu was observed under the conditions of sending local people's army (lashkar) in 1996. He can be viewed as holding a position of a war commander (sipah salar). In Shina folk poetry, the war rhythms, that are locally called "Bigai wazan" (the rhythms played during an exchange of gun-fire), are the reflective of it. For an armed invasion, the term "si:N nikhlon" (proceeding with an army of people to make an attack) is used. "Si:N" means an informal army of the people and not a State army. In the history these both terms have been associated with different systems. Zetu is appointed for a certain period and for a specific purpose. He has the support of all the tribes and groups. This position is not permanent nor is there a need to announce his termination. After the purpose is met, the position comes to an end or suspension by itself. Or at the time of appointing a Zetu, his term is fixed and well explained. The German scholar, Karl Jettmar thinks that a Zetu and a Kalak are identical positions. Similarly some people believe that the positions of Zetu and Jashtero are similar. In my opinion there is a clear difference between these ranks by way of their social prestige and the scope of obligations. Follwing is a summary of the basic responsibilities and priorities between the three positions: Zetu is a tribal and local representative who is selected by his own tribe or by the pposition in the local Jirga. Kalak is selected by a small village and Jashtero is selected by the branch of his tribe (in the areas up from Harban). A Zetu has vast powers during war-like situations. He uses these powers to keep the people's army together, moving and under control while a Kalak has a limited powers and he is not entitled to deal with the matters of people's army. A Zetu gets the valley's matters resolved and implements collective decisions while a Kalak resolves very small issues of the village. A Zetu is the expert of planning for a battle while a Kalak has no such experience.
A Zetu manages the shortages of food, arms and warriors while a Kalak does not do these jobs keeps an eye on the defence of the "Rom" and its survival while a Jashtero tries to keep his personal reputation. The cultural activities make a Jashtero and to a Zetu the responsibilities of defence and maintenance of unity are entrusted. In other words, what is achieved by the efforts of both is that a Jashter's earning is for the sake of his own name and a Zetu's earning is for the sake of the whole "Rom" and it is what his distinction is. The mode of electing a Zetu seems to be the same in the past and present. We will discuss it with reference to Kolai and Palas where under some circumstances, they are appointed. In lower Palas where there are eight clans of Shin tribes, the people appoint 24 Zetus for the local Jirga. These tribes belong to two large groups. Each group is responsible to elect 12 Zetus from their opponent group. A group cannot elect Zetus itself from among its own tribe or a branch (This condition is in force during a battle and for defensive needs. During peace times and in case of ordinary needs, the tribe itself appoints the Zetus). Their names are announced in the Jirga and they are trusted and well examined people. After announcing their names, they become elected representatives or a Zetu of their respective tribes by holding the responsibility for their local defence and financial interests.
When 12 Zetus from both the group or 24 Zetus in total, are elected, the Zetus together elect one more person from each group who is called "Qesgar" (the conceiver of a solution to an issue in case of a disagreement between the parties). It is their responsibility that if there is a disagreement between these 24 Zetus on any issue, they solve it justly. Those two conceivers elect a third person who is called "Munsif" (the judge). His responsibility is to make a final settlement of the issue which could not be resolved by the Zetus and the two conceivers, because in certain matters, the group interests are associated making it hard for people to agree.
During the election of the Zetus, the representation of the branches engaged in their appointment or alignment to ensure their support at the time of implementing decisions. It is the responsibility of each Zetu to get his branch act on their responsibilities, get armed men from them or make them pay their part of compensation. To keep peace, the Zetus are delegated provisional powers also so that they could fine or punish a guilty depending on the situation. His verdict is final. During the war-like situations, this fine is received in the shape of bullets and these bullets are supplied to such warriors who might have run out or shortage of them. The money received from heavy fines, is used in collective welfare works. This type of role of a Zetu in the ancient German and Celtic tribes (See Angles' book "The Household, Beginning of Individual Possession and State"). And it is also true that they had a system identical to Wesh.
On the other hand, we have the example of Kolai. The people here are divided or organized into two large groups. But a discrimination exists in the representation and distribution of their economical interests. One group owns one third of it while the other one owns two third and their Zetus are elected based on the similar proportion.
Since in upper Palas (Daro), Darma are found (in majority), their Zetus are elected from among the clans of Sorma, Phirie, derkhana and Bhoei Mugla. There is no Zetu of Khuka Manka here because their economical interests are based with the lower Palas. In Jalkot also, the same pattern exists of electing Zetus. In Thor, Harban, Tangir and Darel, this pattern is found in a different way in their "Haiti" system where Jashteros are elected in place of Zetus.
In the past few years, one new position has been introduced here in compare to Zetu which is called a Committee Member. The Government has assigned these positions to certain people to mint support. However, there is a big contradiction between the status of a Committee member and the role of a Zetu. It is an action similar to the British's with the people like Jashteros, in the Northern Pakistan. In 1996, the representative Jirga of the Darma and Khuka Manka groups had appointed forty Zetus assigning them a responsibility of bringing a cease-fire for the duration of one season between those who are confined due to enmities in the whole valley and to revive cultivation in the restricted lands. Those Zetus fully succeeded in their task that year but it could not be continued the next year.
Traditional Land Tenure (WESH) System Definition of Wesh: In Shina and Pashto, the word Wesh means splitting and distributing. Literarily, it is such a traditional economic system wherein under a particular formula, the natural resources are assigned to the households and the tribes. According to Fr. Barth, this system of distribution and utilization of economic resources existed in many other Aryan linguistic groups;
This system has vanished in some Shin tribes due to the political and economic changes in certain areas. But in Kohistan, except in agricultural land, this system is found useful as yet in one or another form.
Motivational Effects of Land Distribution System (Wesh System) Following are the more important motivational effects identified during the study of Land Distribution System:
The Wesh System Initially, there was no concept of individual property with the various nations and groups (in Kohistan). The resources would be jointly owned that were assigned to the tribes and households for a particular period for them to traditionally benefit from them. After that particular period, those lands and resources would be allocated anew (among the tribes and households). This way, generally the existing resources, the residential houses and the land would keep rotating among the people. Management of the resources, their protection and control would be their collective responsibility. Men and women both would be entitled to shares in the resources. Their Jirgas or Sagas i.e. mass councils, would be responsible to continue this system in their "Roms" and areas. Hence, it would not be possible for an influential group to occupy an area or the resources.
This collective system began to collapse when political, social and economical changes began to occur in the geographical environments around the Shin tribes and the influential groups successfully tested their tricks to take over the local natural resources. The new titles such as Raja, Mir and Mehtar popped up in the area due a collapse in this system who discarded the system of collective ownership and founded Rajgi system in its place. The Rajas generally succeeded in those areas where Shins were in minority or where they tribal system was weak. Hence the mass system of Jirga and Sagas became suspended in the areas where the groups and tribes approved Rajgi system. However, in the areas where Rajgi system could not make its way, there the traditional administrative structure of Jirga and Sagas remained intact. Mr. Usman Ali has written in his book "Gilgit Ki Rog Kahani" p. 105, about Rajgi system that during the reign of the dictator kings of Gilgit, people were deprived of ownership rights. The dictator Rajas would take away land from one and give it to another on their own whims. People were deprived of their basic rights and the Rajas controlled their economic rights.
The socio-economic system of Shin probably prevailed in a large territory. Perhaps when they migrated to here, they would have introduced their own traditional system in this area. During the following periods, when Rajas and Mirs came up under the local circumstances and they took over the local resources, this system became confined to Chilas, Darel, Tangir and Kohistan because in Gilgit and in other areas the needed environment for this system had evaporated (one reason is also the invasions and political expansions from the directions of Baltistan, Kashmir, Chitral and Badakhshan.).
The land would be assigned under a particular process for three to five years among the Shin tribes. Men and women would get "ba:go" and "Tago" (explanations in following chapters) respectively. The households would cultivate in the land, grow food grain and earn their living. It should also be mentioned here that the Shin tribes did not borrow this system from Pukhtoons as mentioned by Jettmar that :
There are three reasons that indicate that this system was not borrowed from Pukhtoons. Yusafzai tribe invaded Swat in sixteenth and seventeenth centuries while the tribes in Palas and Kolai broke with their local alliance in fifteenth century disputing on the matters of land distribution. Before it, normal activities under Wesh system were taking place.
There is no similarity in the measurements and other procedures of land distribution which might indicate that this system was borrowed from Pukhtoons
Kinds of Land Distribution System (Wesh) Three accepted principles or approaches of the land distribution system existed in Kohistan.
(Razwal Kohistani, 1998)
Of these the approaches of "Tang" and "hor" have been more useful. The "mushbago" approach is used under specific circumstances.
Hor Wesh The members in a tribe or group are not counted in this approach. But the resources are divided into two groups regardless of the number of their individuals. It is also the approach of dividing natural resources on half basis. Tang Wesh
Mushbago "Mushbago" means manly share. This approach has been under use under a few circumstances. For instance, in case of limited collective income, commodities acquired in looting, and in case of limited land in a "Se:r" (plain fields in the mountains), etc. Only adults or those men who may have participated in the missions of collective interests in the past, are entitled to shares in this approach such as a Zetu. The revenues in June 1996 were distributed on the basis of "mushbago" to a Darma tribe in upper under the supervision of Maulana Kishwar or in another case, the Se:r (a bunch of small flat fields existing at one place) of Sormo clan in Badakot was distributed this way.
Principles of Quantity A quantitative discrimination is found between the shares of men and women in the land distribution system of the Shins. The reason for discrimination is not religious but it is cultural. Historically, there have been the regular amendments in what is called "ba:go" and "Tago" as explained below:
Ba:go In the Wesh system, "ba:go" literally means the share to a man. Only men were entitled to shares prior to 1992. Historically, the defensive importance of men has been superseding that of women's. Therefore, men have been entitled to a larger share. This discrimination between men and women has been in practice among many nations and races. There is no prior specification to the amount of a "ba:go". Its amount depends on the amount of available resource and the number of share holders.
Tago In the land distribution system, a woman or a child's share is called "Tago". It is the smallest unit in the process of distribution. Its amount is derived from the amount of "ba:go" and also from the factor of how many "Tago" are there in a "ba:go. The amount of "Tago" has been changing in different periods. During 1000 A.D, it was one fourth of a "ba:go", during 1500 A.D one third and during 1800 A.D, it was acknowledged to be half the "ba:go". In 1992 A.D, the concept of "Tago" has been eliminated altogether and now men, women and children all have become entitled to equal shares. It should be remembered here that in the valleys above than Kolai, Palas and Jalkot i.e. in Shatial, Harban, Thor and Thako, etc, women's share is called "chhik" in place of "Tago" and in these areas still a proportion of one to two exists. In other words one share of a man is equivalent to two "chhiks" of a woman.
Proportions of sharing pattern
Measurement Tools in the Wesh Measurement tools of various kinds or weighing stones have been used in distribution of natural resources among the groups, tribes and households which generally look simple and easy to use. The process of land measurement and distribution has been changing at different stages of natural resources distributions. For the purpose of distribution of agricultural land, the units of land have further been broken into "hor", "rat" and "rat". How big a piece of agricultural land is, or can be, in a "hor" depends on the amount of the piece of land to be distributed and the branches and number of individual recipients. When a piece of land is distributed on the basis of "hor", then in the second phase, the "hor" is turned into "raT" as par with the number of its share holders. There are twelve to seventeen "ba:go" in one "raT" depending on the nature of fertility of the piece of land. No comparison has been identified between "hor", "raT" and "raTo" from modern measurement tools. Therefore, the exact size of a 'Hor", "raT" and "ra:To" is not known. In addition to agricultural land, i.e. the distribution of forests and "bando" (the land occupied by trees with flat leaves on the River Indus bank or at the edges of streams and gorges in the lower areas of the valleys), etc. has generally been executed on the basis of "hor". We will describe the distribution of various resources under Wesh system from the study perspective and by other examples so that one could perceive it from practical examples and approaches of it.
Distribution of Forests: All the forests of Kolai, Palas and Jalkot have been defined as private "Guzara Forests" as per Act 1872. These forests have been traditionally and formally distributed (Wesh) among the local groups and tribes about 20-30 years ago. Prior to this, in every valley, the forests were the property of the groups of local people. The forests in every valley are the property of the people pertaining to the local "Rom" there and no one else from the outside or an individual of another "Rom" can become a shareholder of those forests. The forests in Kolai belong to the group of Khu:k Manak of Kolai. Their internal distribution has been on the proportion of one to three instead of "hor". Similar was the case about their agricultural land. The Khuka and Manka tribes in Kolai avail one third and two third of a share respectively. Perhaps the reason for it is that the ten branches of Chilis and Gabara people are also associated with the Manka tribe (in sharing) and hence, their population is two fold the population of Khuka. Similarly, in Jalkot where Khuka and Manka tribes exist, the distribution was not conducted between them in 1800 A.D on the basis of "hor" and one third of the natural resources were given to Darma like the Khuka tribe in Kolai. It shows that in these two places, the distribution was executed on the basis of "Tang" and not on the basis of "hor". When and where there is a big difference in the population of two tribes or groups, the "Tang" approach is adopted. Contrary to this, the forests in lower Palas have been distributed between the Khuka Manka and Darma groups on the basis of "hor" . One old man told me referring to the forest distribution in lower Palas that
It has been thirty or four years since the forests in lower Palas were distributed. We had distributed those forests on the basis of "hor". One year, all the people of Palas held a Mass Jirga in the large mosque of Kolai. There the Darma and Khuka Manka had internally formed "hors" of their forests. There had been no distribution of forests before then. The Darma and Khuka Manka carried out a draw after making the "hors". We carried out distribution of the "hors" of the forests which were identified in the draw. Darma are the owners (of all forests) in Daro. For this reason, the Khuka Manka do not own forests in Daro. The Darma of Daro and Palas are included in the ownership of forests in both places (lower and upper Palas). The forests of Khuka Manka are located in lower Palas. When we had distributed the forests in lower Palas between the Darma and the Khuka Manka, twelve years later we had conducted a distribution of our forests among us. We had conducted the distribution among us on the basis of making four "raTs" of it and not on the basis of "hor". We had made four "hors" of the forests taken from Khuka Manka on the basis of "hor". We have four clans: Sorma, Phirie, derkhana and Bhoe Mugla. This way by making four "hors" for each, we conducted four draws mutually. The winning clan has taken the "hor" of its choice. The forests beginning from the steep bend of KaRas to the last edge of Daro, all belong to the Darma.
Traditional Forest resource ownership and distribution system among Shin tribes of Palas Valley, Indus Kohistan. (Razwal Kohistani)
In the first step, the Darma and the Khuka Manka groups converted the forests at various places into the pieces as "hors". Then a draw was made in both the groups. The practice in the draw is that the winner in it has the right to take the forest or land of his choice from within the forests or land identified in the draw. After twelve years from it, the Darma groups distributed the forests acquired in the distribution with the Khuka Manka, among their four clans by draw and gave the ownership rights to them for the forests acquired by them. Now those forests are the property of clans. The ownership rights to these forests have not yet been transferred to any individual caste.
Forests are generally demarcated by nalas, sky-lines or boulders (in Kohistan). The working plans of Forest department are void of the local traditional demarcations. The clans and groups are free in decision making about their owned forests. For instance, in lower Palas every clan freely decide the matters related to their owned forests and another clan has no entitlement to intervene in it. Similarly, the Darma group in Daro Palas has a traditional right to make free decisions with regard to their forests. Only the owning clan or group has the right to a commercial timber logging in the distributed forests and the revenues generated this way, is distributed among them on the basis of "Tang-wesh". The non-timber commercial items and the items of domestic use such as collection of herbs, fuelwood, grass, and hunting, etc. are openly permissible to all in these forests.
The Darma group in Daro Palas had carried out the commercial timber logging of their forests in 1800 A.D for the first time in Khab Kot, Dewan, Kundul and Chor, etc. and for the second time in 1884 A.D for many times by the contractors pertaining to Kaka Khel tribe of the Pukhtoons. Forests bear much economical importance in the current age. So, local disputes are also mounting in these matters.
Dynamism and competition increases among the Jirgas of the circles of the clans due to the ownership rights over the forests. Steps are taken to hold Jirgas. Positive and constructive thinking generates among the people due to integrated consultations. Preparations are made at the level of clans and groups for the protection and defence of forests. For instance, this process is going on in Kolai for the last many years against Swati Pathans. Similarly, the forest disputes of the Phirie in Palas and of Khoja tribe in Kolai and the fights between the people of Palas and Kolai are the most important such examples. Forest and its revenues are used as political tool also. Forest contractors supply financial help in order to keep such movements alive.
People think of the forests of pine trees, cedars, firs, spruce and Chalghoza (?) by the word of "forest" and the term of "bando" instead of forest, is common among them for the forests containing trees with flat leaves.
Forest royalty is now distributed on the basis of shares rather than "hor" among the concerned groups or clans taking their population into account. Prior to 1992, royalty would be distributed on the basis of "hor" among the relevant groups or clans.
Any individual or household of Kolai, Palas and Jalkot who is entitled to acquire the rights granted in wesh and where he was accounted for allocation of his shares, he can be accounted for to get royalty in his "Rom". No one can get royalty at two places at the same time nor can he enter into another economic circle.
No one can terminate the right to royalty given to a household or an individual under the auspices of natural resource distribution system (wesh) nor such a household, a branch or an individual can be expelled from its earlier appointed economical circle regardless of whether he is living inside the valley or outside of it.
Distribution of "bando" (sub tropical Oak forest) There are two senses of "bando" in Shina language: winter "bando" and summer "bando". Its well known meaning is the land occupied of trees with flat leaves on the River Indus bank or at the edges of streams and gorges in the lower areas of the valleys where people would be migrating to alongwith their cattle in winter season. Such area bears great importance for people's economy of herd raising. In Palas, Kolai and Jalkot, all such "bando" have already been formally covered in natural resource distribution system. However, among the lower branches of the clans, its distribution is still going on. For instance, at a place called Le:Ri SaC, among one branch of Didra caste, a permanent distribution was done in April 1997.
Traditional ownership and distribution of Oak forest among Shin tribes of Palas Valley, Razwal Kohistani, 1998)
The distribution of "bando" has been going on in different periods. Its duration has been longer than the duration of agricultural land. During the well-known expert of natural resource distribution system, once the distribution of "bando' and agricultural lands was done at the same time. After it during the periods of Lal Khan and Sadati Khan, it was done separately.
In the Shin Wesh system, the distribution of "bando" and the various patterns of ownership rights to it, has been very complex and not easy to understand the socio-economic implications of those rights to ownership. For instance, if a piece of a "bando' has been received by a clan at certain place under the system of natural resources distribution, it is not essential that his agricultural land or his forest is also located around there. Rather the agricultural land of some other caste or branch may be located there. The reason for it may be that there is some distinction between the ownership rights of a forest, "bando" or agricultural land. According to the traditional law of natural resources distribution, the locations of these natural resources do not effect one resource in return to another or the ownership rights (In Jalkot, these laws are trespassed.).
In Daro Palas, if the "bando" is located inside a "hor" belongs to a caste or clan, then the wildly growing grass in that land and the trees are also considered their property. By the same token, an agricultural land and cultivated grass within the limits of that land may belong to some other household or a branch. (Conflicts are resulting from it nowadays).
The distribution of "bando" was carried out on the basis of "hor" in case of their larger volumes. These have been distributed to the sub-groups and clans. Within the clans, they were distributed on the basis of sub-branches. If we try to understand it from the examples in the lower Palas, we would find three kinds of owners to these "bando":
At the time of distribution of the "ba:ndo" located in lower Palas, the "ba:ndo" in Joeser alongwith its three "raTs" was given to Manka. The "ba:ndo" beginning from the irrigation channel of Gaber down below and further down from the masque at the flat lands, this "ba:ndo makes three "raTs". The Manaks are partners with the CeraTa in the ownership on this earth. The "ba:ndo" has already been distributed among the two clans of CeraTa namely Sorma and PhiRie. Later on, the "ba:ndo" was distributed among the castes included in these clans by "hor". All the "ba:ndo" existing from the large walnut tree of MoZkaosen upto the village of Zibho:C, is jointly owned by Punjsa and Khuka. The "ba:ndo" belongs to the Khuka and the land below it is jointly owned by both. Four "hors" were made of the "ba:ndo" at the time of Grandfather Khawas. The four "hors" were Kunsher, KaRu: Se:r (Pa:ro Khaliar), Gadar and Kundul. They took these "hors" by a draw and on their own choice. The first two draws had come out in favour of Khuka Manka. They had taken Gadar and Kunsher on their own choice. In those days, Gadar and Kunsher were very beneficial. This distribution took place in Zibho:C (on the bank of River Indus). Grandfather Khawas had not come himself to this distribution. His step brother, Ha:man had come.
The reason for grouping CeraTa with Manka and Poensa with Khuka, was that this land does not go into possession of any one clan or tribe (either Darma or Khuka Manka as a whole). The attendant of "ba:do" takes care of it and benefits from the trees and fodder in it. He has the right to sell or lease it out. But he cannot sell the land under it because the land is a joint property.
It shows here that the distribution of "bando" in the lower Palas was conducted by the collaboration between two opposing sub-groups in the first steps. At this stage the land in the "bando" and the rights of ownership of the trees were given to CeraTa, who are a sub-tribe of Darma, on the basis of draw while the Manka, who is the opposing sub-tribe, was given the rights of ownership of only the land under it and the ownership of its production was not given to them. At the other place, the Poensa branch of Darma were given the co-ownership rights of the land and the ownership of the production was given to the Khuka. As is obvious from the aforementioned statement, the purpose of this strategy was that any one group does not hold possession of the resources and the tribes could play their role by cohesion.
This sort of tribes, who have the ownership of the land and trees, each of them conducted a distribution of the "ba:ndo" among their two clans respectively at the second stage. Then the clans transferred their ownership rights of the trees and the grass to their sub branches. They are called "ba:ndcho" and it is them who are the real beneficiary of it. Small units of a "ba:ndo" do not exist (in Kohistan).
The areas of the "ba:ndo" provide an opportunity of migration to the households and the tribes in winter. This way a strong foundation is available to the herd raising economy. Some areas of "ba:ndo" are located and jointly owned on important winter locations such as Muroo (?). Nowadays, this important resource on which cattle raising depends highly, is quickly cut and sold.
The Distribution of Agricultural Land In the natural resource distribution system, these people would reallot their agricultural land for three to five years. The situations were reviewed after the end of this duration and the land would be distributed again among the people. Now no distribution is done of the agricultural land on tribal basis ( A distribution might take place in case a small flat land is available somewhere for this purpose.). It has been around eighty to hundred years since it has been given up. In Palas, natural resource distribution was halt for three times:
The distribution of Sherkot was suspended during the time of Khawas Khan;
The distribution of Sherial areas was terminated during Lal Khan's time.
The distribution of land in Daro Palas was stopped by Sadati Khan at Pulbela.
Prior to the distribution, large lots were determined of the land existing in the concerned villages and in the valley. The lots of the big chunks of agricultural land were generally formed by estimation or on the basis of previous experience. The estimation of a lot depended also on the number of recipient tribes or groups. In lower Palas, generally four lots were formed because there are four sub groups here. The agricultural lands were distributed more frequently, with profoundness and caution. We will take the example of Shirial valley to understand the nature of distribution process of agricultural land. Darma and Khuka Manka tribes are populated there.
Traditional ownership and distribution of agricultural land in Palas Valley, Razwal Kohistani, 1998
In Shirial, prior to distributing the agricultural land, the area from Ban Bando to Bakro was examined and two lots were determined to distribute it on the basis of two equal shares. The purpose was to distribute it between the groups of Darma and Khuka Manka. Its middle demarcation is the shop owned by one person of Wale community. Hence, the area from Ban Bando to the shop of the Wale person was given to Khuka Manka group and the lower area, i.e. the area from the shop upto Bakro, was allotted to Darma. The members of the relevant groups would be present in the Jirga. They would extend their consensus about certain fundamental principles and rules with regard to the process of distribution. All the disputed matters were resolved and then distribution was started. A draw was carried out to determine the lots of the agricultural land placed for distribution. The first phase of the distribution that was completed between the Darma and the Khuka Manka, according to the draw, the area from the shop of the person of Wale caste till Ban Bando was given to Khuka Manka and the area from the shop upto Bakro was acquired by Darma. This way the first phase was completed.
In the second phase, every group was obligated to conduct the distribution of their land acquired in the first phase, among two of their sub groups. Each group determined two lots of their acquired land. The Darma group formed one lot for the CeraTa clan and the other for the Poensa clan. Again a draw was conducted for these two clans. According to the draw, the areas of Sham was acquired by CeraTa and the Poensa clan got the area of Maidan and Bakro in the land distribution. Since, these all phases are of group level, therefore the land is turned into the units of "hors" and distributed in phases to the groups on the basis of their inclination. When the distribution is completed by making the lots two to three times, the relevant clans start their process of the distribution among their own branches and households. This phase or approach is different than the earlier two or three approaches.
The distribution of larger lots of agricultural land is carried out by "hor" system. At this stage, all the lots of the agricultural land allocated for distribution, are converted into "raTs" and "raTo" and distributed to the castes and households. It also proves that in the distribution of agricultural land, both approaches of natural resources distribution: "hor-wesh" and "Tang-wesh" are adopted. First, second and third phase is completed by "hor-wesh" but when the units of "hor" are converted into the units of "raT" and "raTo", the principle of "Tang-wesh" is implemented.
I discovered the number of castes and the members of the households for the internal distribution in the clan at this stage. If the number of shares for the members in household is, say 16, and one agricultural "raT" also contains 16 shares (ba:go), that "raT" is attributed to and given to that household in the distribution. In case of fertile land, 16 shares were allocated to a "raT" and in less fertile land, 9 to 12 shares. Hence, the households would not face a problem of shortage of food grain.
Hijab of Hakima caste from Pul Bela of Daro Palas told me that in the land half that of one "raT" has a potential of producing at least one hundred "khala" (5000 Kgs.) of food grain. Every owner of the agricultural "hor" or "raT" is responsible to its irrigation.
In the Shin system of Wesh, care has been taken to make sure that the people do not suffer from hunger due to acquiring insufficient land. The permanent and clear system of developing new land on individual basis by clearing forests (khil phoTon) also exists within this system. According to this, such households or tribes could develop surplus agricultural land by clearing the forests on individual basis. Such land would stay in the individual ownership of that household for 12-24 years before including it in the collective land distribution process. This way two goals were achieved by carrying out the land distribution. Firstly, new land was available for the growing population, and secondly, the potential shortages in food grain were suppressed (currently, developing land by clearing forests, is restricted.). The last distribution of agricultural land in Daro Palas was carried out during the period of Sadati Khan. In this, the agricultural land of Daro was distributed to only four clans of Darma group i.e. Sorma, Phirie, derkhana and Bhoe Mugla. In Daro Palas, agricultural land with the Khuka Manka exists at the place of Gadar only which they acquired during Lal Khan's land distribution before Sadati Khan. That land distribution had taken place in Zibho:C (current Shalkhan Abad) in which they had won the draw and had taken the land of Gadar and Kunsher on their own choice. In all the preceding land distributions, the area from Pa:ro to Urni was always given to the Darma clans and only in lower Palas, distributions were conducted between them on "hor" basis.
The "ba:go Tago" was given to the women prior to her marriage, on behalf of her paternal kinship and after her marriage on behalf of her husband. She would be struck off from her father's circle after her wedding. According to the Islamic law, a sister or a daughter is a shareholder in his personal properties. But practically a few people would give her right
As for the Shins in Kolai, at the first stage, Manka group receives one third and the Khuka group gets double the amount of it. At all the later stages, "hor" becomes customary among the sub-tribes and "ba:go" among all households. Similar is the situation with Jalkot. No official record is maintained of all these areas. But from race to race, all information are transferred about the demarcations,"hudood". In case of any dispute, efforts are made for its solution
At different places, the agricultural land of joint ownership is also found that is called Se:r. At various locations, such as Sormo Se:r and Shuki Se:r in Palas, the land distribution had taken place forty years ago. At other places, Se:r have been set aside for religious and professional sections' living. Such households do not have ownership rights to this kind of land. The researcher Jettmar writes calling the specific areas of Se:r a buffer zone that such lands were used to prevent confrontations. But in Kolai and Palas, in all the observed Se:rs, the hypothesis of "buffer zone" was not found correct.
Irrational System The concrete system of irrigation means for irrigation of agricultural land, their time tables and construction and maintenance of irrigational system is present in the natural resources distribution system. These responsibilities are readily shifted to the new owner of the land alongwith its sale to him. Days are appointed for irrigation of every "raT" or "hor" which can not be changed without the collective consensus. All the owners of the land construct and maintain the irrigational channel together under the "hashar" (community participation) system. These people appoint one person to look after the large irrigational channels whom they call "Wui Saga:lo". The irrigation channel is repaired once and handed it over to him after which he maintains it. Food grain is given to him in return to his work which is paid at the time of maize harvesting. If an owner is absent at the occasion of initial annual repair of the irrigational channel, he is charged one hundred rupees as a fine.
Tribes and their territorial groups in Palas, JalkoT and Kolai
(Razwal Kohistani, 1977-98. Revised in Dec. 2000)
ShiN DaRma Tribes of Palas Valley, Indus Kohistan, NWFP
The Khukamana Tribes of Palas Valley
Tribes and territorial groups in JalkoT Valley, Indus Kohistan, NWFP DaRma tribes
Khukamanka tribes of JalkoT Valley
Tribes of Kolai Valley
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