The histories of both Saddam Hussein and Iraq are littered with turmoil and murder. Iraqi historians tell a tale of monarchies, republics, and coups leading up to a final coup by Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr in 1969. Saddam Hussein was his best friend and ally who later seized power from al-Bakr ten years later. Since 1979, Hussein has dominated Iraq. His tactics are similar to those of Adolf Hitler; he depends largely on his military and secret police(Republican Guard and Public Security Service, known as the ‘al-amn al-am’) to purge both his government and his people of any competition. All other political parties were quickly eliminated and later criminalized. Other facets of the population that could potentially pose a threat, such as military officers, former politicians, and civil service workers were also purged through midnight murder and selective suicide. Jewish persons were rounded up and publicly hung under the guise that they were disloyal to Iraq. Other ethnic groups, particularly Kurds, were ‘cleansed’ from both government position and from central Iraq(Tripp, 2002). Even today, persons of Kurdish origin are confined largely to the Northern regions of Iraq under the protection of the United Nations. Saddam Hussein’s power in Iraq is undisputed; his government, formed mostly of Saddam’s extended family, is fiercy loyal and ensures his absolute supremacy. His tactics of ensuring loyalty through barbarism have most recently been illustrated during the occupation of Kuwait and his actions during the Gulf War. In Kuwait City, routine public executions and tales of the rape and torture of Kuwaiti citizens became commonplace. For every Iraqi soldier killed, five Kuwaiti children were executed. Some Kuwaiti citizens were crucified before execution. War crimes ran rampant during the occupation, with means similar to the Nazi Regime in 1945.
Following the war, the Republican Guard once again enforced loyalty to Saddam. The Guard set out on a campaign that saw the execution of the immediate families of all soldiers who surrendered or deserted during the war. The developed world ignored these actions, as the prevailing mood was to avoid future conflicts with Iraq(Sullivan & Witherow, 1992).
Since Hussein’s rise to power in 1979, his use of weapons of mass destruction has become a signature move of his presidency. Internationally, the development and usage of chemical weapons has always been a point of controversy. They are highly volatile, highly adaptable, and especially detrimental to morale. They are generally regarded as ‘dirty warfare’ by the international community, and consequently many countries, such as all NATO and UN affiliates, have signed treaties banning their use except in extreme circumstances. Iraq, however, has taken a liking to the use of these weapons. Prior to the Gulf War in 1991, the Iraqi government was the largest developer and importer of chemical agents in the world and used their awe as a means of international intimidation. The most shocking use of this intimidation came on April 2, 1990. At this point, international relations between Iraq and Israel had become hostile. During his now infamous broadcast on this date, Saddam threatened to destroy half of Israel using binary chemical weapons(Henderson, 1991). The initial shock of this threat rattled the world, however the aftershock had far worse effects. It soon became clear that Iraq had the capability to employ his chemical weapons to this degree. In the late 1980’s, Iraq’s chemical weapon programme surged. The development of mustard gas in particular was alarming. This agent, glorified during the Second World War, and results in severe inflammation and blistering. When inhaled, it gradually causes the throat to swell shut, resulting in a slow death due to asphyxiation. Iraq was reported to have developed and retained millions of canisters of mustard gas and nerve agents, such as sarin, tabun and VX. The lack of notoriety surrounding these agents is disturbing, as they are by far the most devastating chemical weapon agents in human history. The agents quickly attack the central nervous system; any exposure through inhalation or epidermal contact results in an instant inability to breathe. Within seconds, muscular co-ordination is lost and convulsions begin. Any exposed skin begins to bubble, blister and tear. The convulsions quickly escalate to the point where the spasms begin to break bones and rupture organs, resulting in internal bleeding and eventually in the common cause of death – a fractured neck. Iraq also has possession of several blood agents, such as hydrogen cyanide. These agents cause almost instant death, as they prevent the absorption of oxygen into the blood stream. Any of these agents, whether they are blood, nerve, or blister agents, can be delivered through bombing, artillery, sprays, or introduction to the natural environment, such as an intentional release into water systems. (Alexander & Darwish, 1991) They are highly lethal, and their use is generally regarded as barbaric or inhumane. Due to their nature, there as not been a recorded use of chemical weapons since the Second World War.
In June 1979 Saddam Hussein, the Vice-President of Iraq, assumes presidency. Within a year, Iraq is involved in a full-scale war with Iran. The war lasts eight long years, and results in two million Iraqi casualties. However, the most significant result of the Iran-Iraq war occurs on March 1st, 1985. On this date, Iraq became the first nation in fourty years to use chemical weapons, and has been the only country in the world to do so since. The use was very effective, and as a result the Iraqi army made the use of chemical weapons a routine tactic in the war. Iraq soon increased imports of chemical agents(Alexander and Darwish, 1991). The use shocked the world, as chemical warfare had long-since been ‘taboo’ in the field of war or otherwise. This was especially shocking, because Iraq was in a favourable position in the war, with an army nearly three times the size of Iran. The disbelief prompted the United Nations to investigate the reports to confirm the use. In March, 1986, the disbelief was dismissed when the UN confirmed that indeed Iraq had used chemical weapons, and by the end of the war, Iraq has the most advanced chemical arsenal in the world.
Although the international community condemned the use of Iraq’s chemical arsenal, no disciplinary action was taken. This inaction was primarily due to financial considerations: Iraq was the largest arms importer in the Middle East, and nearly every European nation was involved in arms deals or other export contracts with Iraq. France led the way, supplying 3.1 billion dollars in arms to Iraq between 1984 and 1988. Many nations related the use of the chemical agents to the bloody war Iraq was involved in, despite their favourable position.
International absolution was soon proven wrong. The Iran-Iraq war ended in 1988, and Saddam found himself itching for revenge. The Kurds in Northern Iraq- an ethnic minority that had been oppressed in Iraq for centuries- were implicated as Iranian sympathizers during the war. They were located on the Iran-Iraq border and as a result were blamed for any Iranian success in the war. In the months following the war, the Iraqi government was purged of any Kurdish members. The Iraqi army retreated from its positions in Iran and set up along many Kurdish villages. Within two months, Iraqi soldiers had executed millions of Kurds and destroyed many Kurdish towns. These assaults were engineered by Ali Hassan al-Majid, cousin of Saddam Hussein who was described as fanatically loyal to the President. His principal victim was the town of Halajba. The town found itself surrounded by Iraqi troops for weeks, but had experienced only minor hostilities compared to neighboring villages. On March 16th, 1988 the world was introduced to a unique form of genocide. On the morning of March 16th, al-Majid, under direct orders from the President, released sarin gas on the town, slaughtering over 5000 Kurdish citizens. A local Kurdish man commented on Halajba when he visited the town soon after the attack:
“There must have been 3000 bodies and thousands of animals, all
dead. The dead had a film over their eyes and out of their nose and
from the sides of their mouth there was a horrible slime coming out.
The skin was peeling and bubbling up.”(Morris & Bulloch, 1991, P.88).
The attack on Halajba was the first time chemical weapons had been used directly against civilians; it was also the first recorded use of nerve agents in world history. The Iraqi policy of depopulating the Kurdistan province and the relocation of surviving Kurds was met by an international response that was typically fierce, but brief. Nations quickly condemned the attacks, but again failed to act. This again was likely due to the strong economic ties between Iraq and Europe, both in arms deals and in oil profits. No sanctions or tariffs were imposed, nor was there any military or political action taken. Iraqi troops continued to execute Kurds in the region for months after, and continued to use mustard and nerve agents on Kurds and local ‘sympathizers.’ As a symbol of international response, the British government stated: “Punitive measures such as unilateral sanction would not be effective in changing Iraq’s behaviour over chemical weapons, and would damage British interests to no avail.”(Morris & Bulloch, 1991). Saddam Hussein’s murderous actions were met with a dollars-and-cents approach. His actions were met with equal and opposite inaction by the international community, giving Hussein free reign to continue his homicidal means in order to achieve his goals of ethnic domination and international blackmail. Throughout the 1980’s and early 1990’s, Hussein made use of whatever means he deemed fit to achieve his goals, regardless of the international consequences. The inability of the developed world to respond to his actions results only in his confidence to use these means again.
